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1
Content available remote Transnacionální feministické přechody: O neoliberalismu a radikální kritice.
100%
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nr 2
4-16
EN
The article is a reflection on the neoliberal knowledge economy, the traffic in antiracist feminist theory, and the way my work has been read (lost or found in translation) and has crossed geopolitical and racial/cultural borders. It comments as well on the development of my intellectual project in relation to my location in the US academy and the intellectual and political communities that have made the work possible. The larger frame I seek to examine using responses to my work in three sites – Sweden, Mexico, and Palestine – is the way feminist, postcolonial, and antiracist theory emerges from a particular geopolitical, intellectual space; the way it enacts crossings; and the way it is trafficked, consumed, and understood in different geographies. Given the global and domestic shifts in social movements and transnational feminist scholarly projects over the past three decades, my major concern pertains to the depoliticization of antiracist feminist/women-of-color/transnational feminist intellectual projects in neoliberal, national-security-driven geopolitical landscapes.
PL
The paper considers the question of relationship between Bernhard Waldenfels’s phenomenology of the alien and education. In the first part it presents the character of the experience of the alien developed by the German thinker, underlining its double structure – the stage of shock and surprise with the alien and the moment of response to its “demand”, which philosopher relates to a certain sort of ethics. In the second part, the article establishes the relationship between the Waldenfels’s experience of the alien and a transformative mode of learning understood as the one that makes a place for categories of unexpected and desired in education, allows for subjectivity formation and strengthens critical thinking. The last part of the text addresses a question of the place of transformative Bildung based on Waldenfels’s phenomenological analysis of the alien in the contemporary neoliberal landscape with its shift towards functional, instrumentalist and consumer-based modes of teaching.
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2016
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nr 1(239)
63-81
EN
The article discusses the changes that have occurred in the Polish system of higher education since 1989. The author points to the changes of law that organized the functioning of the sector, from Higher Education Act (1990) to the amendment to the Law on Higher Education (2011), pointing to different legal solutions to the trend towards the commercialization of the system and the consequent commodification of higher education.
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tom 1
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nr 2
109-124
EN
The contemporary investigations on power, politics, government and knowledge are profoundly influenced by Foucault’s work. Governmentality, as a specific way of seeing the connections between the formation of subjectivities and population politics, has been used extensively in anthropology as neoliberal governmentalities have been spreading after the 1990s all over the world. A return to Foucault can help to clarify some overtly ideological uses of ‘neoliberalism’ in nowadays social sciences.
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nr 2
263-282
EN
This essentially polemical article questions whether the Bologna Process (BP) is necessary (and desirable) in the adaptation of universities to the new social conditions or whether it is a Trojan horse sent out to introduce neo-liberal changes in the field of higher education. First, it addresses the circumstances surrounding the origins of the Bologna Declaration, demonstrating that it enabled the instrumental logic of the marketization and commodification of education to pervade universities traditionally conceived of as cultural institutions of knowledge. It then investigates the eight declared objectives of Bologna and, finally, summarises the consequences that can be firmly established ten years after the event. These include the fact that three of the pillars of the BP can be interpreted as responding to the requirements of neoliberal New Public Management; namely, study structure (flexibility and market-driven profiles), credits (standardization, mobility and effectiveness) and quality assurance (external control). In conclusion, the paper suggests that the BP primarily represents a problem in understanding a situation that displays signs of the radical transformation of the social function of one dimension of societal life - higher education. Although it is clearly an adaptive reaction to the (neoliberal) transformation of society, it has also become part of the ideological games played by certain special-interest groups and, as such, we must make continual attempts to gain a deeper understanding of it.
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nr 2
173-194
EN
We argue that neo-liberal educational policy has emerged as a proto-fascist governmentality. This contemporary technology relies on State racisms and racial orderings manifested from earlier liberal and neo-liberal practices of biopower. As a proto-fascist technology, education policy, and school choice policies in particular, operate within a racial aesthetics that connects ultra-nationalisms with microfascisms of racialized bodies. We discuss historical examples of liberal school segregation and residential schools in relation to contemporary examples of chartered ethnic-identity schools to illustrate the complexities of proto-fascist education policy.
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nr 1
26-59
EN
Road to Exclusion – Neoliberal Discourse on Privatization of Schools and School Canteens in Warsaw The article deals with social influence of neoliberal discourse on privatization of schools and school canteens in Warsaw. In the light of social analysis of discourse, the term means social activities situated in the area designated by ‘understanding, communicating and interpersonal interactions, where the above mentioned phenomena are being a part of a wider context constituted by social and cultural structures and processes’. In Teun A. van Dijk’s understanding of the term, a discursive social activity takes place, when ‘the language users take part in communication not only as entities, but also as members of various groups, institutions and cultures’, whereas through their statements they create, they confirm or question the social and political structures and institutions. The city council and district councils are places where the speech not only mirrors relations of social ascendancy (the councilors are always first to speak before the inhabitants), but also this ascendancy is being ‘performed’ by ‘constituting’ their recipient at the moment of enunciation (for example the figure of ‘homo sovieticus’ often mentioned by the councilors). Councils are places, where the enuncia- ted social structure mentions and preserves the ascendant’s position. The aim of the article was to show how some of the macro-scaled problems (neo-liberalism, crisis of the representative’s democracy) reveal its violent nature in the micro-scale (Warsaw councilors’ policy towards schools and school canteens).
EN
The aim of this text is to depict the evolution of change in representations of labor and value in a neoliberal society. This evolution is shown through ethnographical studies of small companies in the Upper Silesia as well as the work performed in such companies. The study argues that due to the influence of neoliberał ideology, the social functioning of labor and value has evolved from the class paradigm in the industrial society to a discontinuous structure of the set in the contemporary society. Labor has also changed its measurable representative features. For example, labor is no longer perceived through the lens of worktime or effort, but rather through the lens of value. The text constitutes an analysis of the changes in the labor and value structure and how this structure is perceived in a neoliberal society.
EN
Objective: This study investigates the issue of global imbalances by exploring, in a historical context, the interconnections between the United States current account imbalances and the processes underlying allocative inefficiency, financialisation and austerity politics. Research Design & Methods: A comprehensive review of published studies is the research methodology used in this article. Published secondary data from both governments and international institutions are presented and discussed. Findings: The study find that the deep nature of the current imbalances and economic crisis in the United States could adversely affect the rest of the world. Although the IMF and other institutions of global governance have now questioned the effectiveness of neoliberal policies, the severe measures the IMF advocates in response to current account deficits could presage yet another era of anti-growth austerity measures in the United States. Implications/Recommendations: There are features of the current account US imbalances situation that have the potential to exacerbate negative trends and to further fuel adverse economic and political outcomes. The study suggests that a coordinated, US-led international response to a future global recession could be even more deficient than the current response to climate change. Contribution: The paper makes a contribution to the literature on the failures of global governance and critically examines the economic risks of the current situation that are being compounded by the political approach of the Trump Administration, which characterises US trade partners as adversaries in need of coercion through tariffs and strident rhetoric.
10
Content available remote Neoliberálna guvernmentalita v sociálnom projektovaní vzdelávania
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nr 5
771-800
EN
The article examines the application of ‘governmentality studies’ to the field of education and particularly to the formation of social representations of the goals and needs of contemporary education and current curriculum design. The field of governmentality studies is based on Michel Foucault’s analyses of social power and the technologies of power, which in later writings he applied to liberal government and liberal notions of social control. This perspective provides better insight into contemporary neoliberal technologies of social control and the related technology of social control in general, examples of which in various social sectors are then provided by the authors in the article. The education sector must also be understood in the context of neoliberal governmentality, which casts in a new light many educational strategies that are generally accepted without question. The strategy of lifelong education must then be released from its representation as a natural right and instead included among the strategies of social coercion and domination directed at the inter-institutionalisation of education. Equally, it is also possible to expose debunk the skills-based concept of ‘enterprise curriculum’ that blurs the difference between general and professional education as a neoliberal power strategy. The results of the failure to apply this perspective to the education sector are the unchallenged ideologisation of contemporary education discourse and the formation of educational strategies that generate many undesirable consequences.
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tom 22
231-246
EN
In this paper, two new and one established researcher (from Germany, Italy, and the UK) dialogue about researching professional biographies in education. The authors seek to build on a personal and scientific conversation to illuminate the critical and reflexive epistemological potential of particular perspectives in challenging the constraints of neoliberal discourses in education. The doctoral studies of the new researchers illuminate the limited conceptualisations of professionalism, shaped by dominant discourses pervading higher, adult and early childhood education. The two new authors explore similarities and differences in their work, including research questions, theoretical frameworks, methodologies, empirical data and interpretation. Biographical interviews and co-operative inquiry are used to collect stories about professional identity and ways of knowing. A common finding is that professionalism encompasses deeply personal dimensions in what is a complex conscious and unconscious, cognitive and emotional dynamic. Professionals can feel subjected to external standards and disempowered by constant audit and they must negotiate who they are within these parameters. The exploration of the interplay of past and present spheres of uncertainty fundamentally challenges technocratic and instrumentalist discourses and illuminates the diverse ways of knowing implicated in being a good enough creative and questioning professional. The authors conclude by arguing for a holistic re-conceptualisation of professionalism, as necessarily both personal and professional; and they conceive ‘reflexive irritation’ to be a site of epistemological struggle in this regard. There is also a discussion on related methodological and ethical issues.
12
Content available The Bias of Mediatization: Utopia in Charlottesville
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EN
The paper reconstructs Harold innis’ idea of media’s bias. It is argued that media construct a view of the future in line with temporalized Platonism that excludes people that belong to the past. The clash of statues and media in Charlottesville presented mediatization as a progressive but not dialectical force. Statues and media did not check each other’s biases. Media embody the confrontation of authority and publicity (Habermas) or the Enlightenment and Absolutism (Koselleck). After the neoliberal commercialization, the Enlightenment acquired the form of utopian future that confronts the media logic against conservative forces. The truth is constructed according to the prescribed future. Trump blamed all, in accordance with the Absolutist principle. Commercial media professionalism stood by its Enlightenment origins and accused Trump of revitalizing forces of the past. Because most citizens were against taking down the statues, commercialized media logic was less receiver steering than the public service media.
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2020
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tom 11
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nr 2
EN
Aim. The main objective of this investigation is to explore perceived lack of Lithuanian STEM labour force supply. It is often believed that education systems are the bottleneck of economic growth and that by increasing the supply of STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics) graduates we will get more and better payed jobs. But a growing body of evidence suggests that in many STEM fields there is an adequate supply or even oversupply of STEM majors. Still, technologically advanced capitalist countries advocate for more STEM workforce regardless of an overcrowded market. Echoing foreign neoliberal trends, Lithuanian education policy makers are on the same STEM shortage hype-train, and reforms are full steam ahead. Methods. To explore perceived lack of Lithuanian STEM labour force supply an assessment of STEM graduates’ (n=3720) occupational destinations one year after graduation and average salaries in those professions was conducted employing a descriptive statistical analysis. Results. Findings show that there is no general shortage of STEM labour supply; the majority (54% n=2023) of all recent STEM degree holders in Lithuania do not work in STEM jobs. The majority of graduates usually do not reach national average income one year after graduation. Conclusions. Persuasion of students to study STEM degrees based on better labour market outcomes is misleading and possibly unethical. The principal theoretical implication of this paper is the acknowledgment that low STEM graduate employment does not necessarily signify a failing education system. Rather, this is an opportunity to look beyond human capital and labour market discourse which, arguably, prevents STEM education to realize its revolutionary potential.
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tom 31(31)
225-249
EN
In the article, its author attempted to systematize various concepts and approaches to the issue of security by representatives of political liberalism. Political liberalism now sets the main directions of thinking about security in Europe and the United States. Expanding the subjective scope of security, it undoubtedly contributed to the development of various security concepts in which not only the state but other entities become important actors in the international security environment. The article presents the main assumptions of a liberal vision of security, the approach to security by representatives of traditional liberalism and current trends.
15
70%
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2018
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nr 49
67-75
EN
The article includes considerations on different version of lifelong learning in contemporary culture. Four approaches are analysed. The first one is classical, connected mostly with adult education,. In the second, lifelong learning is incorporated in neoliberal vision of man and society and is treated as a way of permanent change of one’s knowledge and skills to be competitive in a job market. Third approach relates to the role of popular culture in shaping man’s identity by developing ability to accept and quickly forget enormous numer of stimulus from mass media and consumption area. The core of last approach includes the conviction that just man’s passions are the best and deepest drive for permanent personal growth.
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2014
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tom 50
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nr 5
713-734
EN
This essay is about the disappearance of postmodernism from the debates on the nature of science, conditions of knowledge, targets of higher education, and prospects of interdisciplinarity. It is argued that postmodern declarations of the end of ideological battles, together with the critiques of universalising concepts related to science, knowledge, and education, have been recaptured in ‘new’ vocabularies promoted by neoliberal approaches. While postmodernism dismissed many of the meanings previously attached to knowledge and education, it also opened up space to expand on them in terms of their exchange value. The essay shows how neoliberal approaches attacked this space and developed a systematic conception that links knowledge and education to the rationality of the market. The ‘new’ vocabulary clearly expresses universalising claims, as this is evident in the usage of such concepts as the knowledge revolution, the knowledge economy, public relevance, social impact, or excellence. This essay concludes with a discussion of how these tendencies are affecting sociology and its disciplinary identity in terms of both its educational and its research activities. In general, it is claimed that the regressive effects of the neoliberal regime of knowledge on sociology cannot be avoided, as the overall academic, institutional, and material context now being constructed by the ‘new’ knowledge ideology does not overlap with the intellectual claims on which sociology was founded. The essay also discusses the possible dissipation of sociology within applied social studies and the changing relation of sociology and its publics.
17
70%
EN
Our paper deals with the establishment of the container settlements in Poland and the grassroots response to it: by the inhabitants and by political activists. In particular we are interested in how local authorities strategically frame housing issues to create social acceptance of diminishing standards of social housing in Poland and the involvement of the mainstream media in the process. We are focusing on strategies as well as tactical efforts to overcome structural and discursive opportunities emerging in the process of the anti- container campaign. Exclusionary discourse about the ‘container ghettos’ becomes a justification for local authorities to use social containers as tool of social and spatial segregation as well as to discipline communal tenants. In response of this process activists had to develop new diagnostic mobilizing frames and put considerable effort into frame alignment processes and forged new alliances with other actors. We analyze the campaign from the perspective of social movement studies, in particular structural theories of collective action. One side effect of such policies is unspoken racism, which we – after E. Balibar – interpret mostly in class terms aimed at the economically maladjusted. Empirically, our paper draws upon sociological intervention and 40 in-depth interviews with the inhabitants of the container settlements in Poland in 7 different cities conducted in 2008-2012; participant observations of the settlements and of the campaign against them due to personal involvement of one of the authors.
18
70%
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nr 6
665-692
EN
The article examines how neoliberal reforms can pave the way for welfare racialisation, turning a delegitimised minimum-income scheme into a tool for racial-hierarchy enforcement. We follow the development of Czech minimum-income scheme legislation from 2014 to 2021, after a series of neoliberal (workfarist) reforms reinforced the restrictive and controlling aspects of the system. The analysed period is characterised by the greater involvement of politicians representing the poorest regions of the Czech Republic and by calls for further restrictions. Analysing parliamentary debates from this period, we show that the delegitimised social system is no longer understood as a tool of social protection or even labour market inclusion; rather, it has become a tool of ethnic hierarchisation, which particularly resonates in the context of perceived socioeconomic insecurity. We propose the term ‘post-neoliberal ethnic welfare’ to describe this emerging system, which derives its legitimacy from neoliberal categories of deservingness and reduces social-protection systems into a performative tool of control over the Roma population.
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2016
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tom 4
142-153
EN
The main purpose of this article is to present the work experience of literary protagonists, who are the representatives of „Tekstylia” generation – people born in the seventies and early eighties, thus the generation, which after years of Polish prosperity in the nineties had to confront brutal capitalist reality at the turn of the XX and XXI century. In my opinion, the work experience of these writers is reflected in plots of their books, where main characters are forced to confront Polish even more brutal capitalist reality at the turn of the XX and XXI century, working as bank assistants, copywriters or tabloid newspaper’s journalists. Corporate enslavement and unfeeling, deprived of empathy managers, constitute main themes of analyzed works, therefore, primarily, I devote my attention to these exact issues.
EN
A preferred gender pronoun or PGP is the gender pronoun, or set of gender pronouns, an individual uses to represent themselves and by which they would like others to use when they represent them (PFLAG). The use of PGPs is meant to show respect to the autonomy of individuals whose gender identity may not conform to the appearance of others, or individuals whose identity is gender non-binary (HRC). The use of PGPs is suggested as a best practice by nearly every major LGBT+ organization in the US (PFLAG, HRC, etc.). Today, systems for implementing PGPs exist everywhere from college applications, hospital intake forms, dating websites, and beyond. While the use of PGPs shows respect for transgender and gender nonconforming individuals, these practices have unintended consequences as they contribute to the ever-expanding economies of data collection, made possible through the rise of information technologies. This work will explore questions of economy and power related to the collection of PGPs and the challenge of queer autonomy in the age of neoliberal capitalism.
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