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EN
Citizenship has been rediscovered in Eastern Europe after the collapse of the communist regimes and the breakdown of multi-national states. This rediscovery revealed not only great opportunities with regard to democratic inclusion, national redefinition and the remedying of past wrongs but also important risks, such as legal and political exclusion, ethnic engineering and discrimination. The broader revival of citizenship in recent decades has triggered a renewed academic interest in issues of citizenship, albeit this research had remained biased towards Western experiences, such as long-term immigration and social integration. Although it would be ill-advised to talk of Eastern European models of citizenship, the region does present a number of empirical and theoretical puzzles that can enrich the existing literature by challenging conventional approaches and stimulating more-balanced and contextual theoretical perspectives.
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This article is devoted to the presentation and analysis of the „Democracy in Education” all-Ukrainian study results aimed at highlighting the challenges arising in Ukrainian teacher education on the way to its democratic transformation. The analysis revealed the following challenges: The ambivalence of the definitions of democracy and its reduction to a „thin” understanding, the presence of rudiments of the Soviet system, distinguishing between active citizenship and political participation, lack of knowledge of the methods of integrative learning and cross-cutting skills among teacher educators. The research findings are significant for educational policy-making at the institutional and state levels.
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Content available remote Jan Baudouin de Courtenay o kwestii narodowości
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EN
The great Polish linguist Jan Baudouin de Courtenay spoke many times of the issue of nationality and problems related to it. He stated concisely: “If one strictly abides by the freedom of conscience and respect for human dignity, one may consciously not include oneself in any nationality, as well as one may consciously include oneself in and emotionally belong to two or more nationalities.” In tsarist times he promoted the idea of federalization of the Russian empire and granting autonomy to other nationalities; in independent Poland he defended the rights of national minorities. Thanks to his bold and consistent attitude, de Courtenay gained great respect among people. In 1922 he was nominated by members of national minorities as a candidate for the president of Poland. De Courtenay was particularly sensitive to confusing the concepts of nationality and citizenship.
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Content available SAMORZĄD LOKALNY W LIECHTENSTEINIE
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EN
Article 1 of the Constitution of Liechtenstein mentioned 2 regions Oberland (Upper Country) and Unterland (Lower Country) and 11 municipalities. They play an important constitutional role in the Principality. The municipalities exercise considerable autonomy, encompasses responsibility such as the election of the municipal organs (the highest organ is the Municipal Assem-bly), organization, the determination of municipal taxes and the granting of citizenship. Financial management and municipal accounts are subject to supervision by the Government
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The article reviews the newest monograph of Professor D. Kochenov on the critical analysis of the institution of citizenship. The main argument of the book consists in the injustice reinforced globally by the institution of citizenship from the perspective of the rights of an individual. The review refers to the issues discussed in the monograph concerning citizenship as a legal relation between an individual and the state, civil rights and obligations in a critical perspective. The author of the review underlines the significance of critical depiction rarely found in the Polish subject literature, however, he indicates possible areas for polemics with the reviewed monograph, in particular from the perspective of the consular law. Polemic notes do not shatter the significance of this work as an important voice in the analysis of international law from the perspective of the rights of an individual.
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In this essay the question of how to reconcile active citizenship and sustainable development will be addressed. In particular, it is a question of developing in the first part of the article a reflection on the education of the citizen, in the second part the necessary conditions for the school to be able to contribute to the formation of the citizen will be addressed and finally the third part will be dedicated to demonstrating how and why the citizen education must also be carried out outside of school, in social life, in acting for sustainable development.
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Content available Deliberative democracy and citizenship
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EN
The model of deliberative democracy poses a number of dificult questions about individual rationality, public reason and justification, public spiritedness, and an active and supportive public sphere. It also raises the question about what kind of civic involvement is required for the practices of democratic deliberation to be effective. The aim of this article is to examine the last question by looking at the role and value of citizenship understood in terms of participation. It argues that deliberative democracy implies a category of democratic citizens; its institutional framework calls for the activity and competence of citizenry, and consequently, the participatory forms of deliberative democracy come closest to the democratic ideal as such. Also, the model of participatory-deliberative democracy is more attractive as a truly democratic ideal than the model of formal deliberative democracy, but it certainly faces more dificulties when it comes to the practicalities, and especially the institutional design. This problem is raised in the last section of the article where the possible applicability of such a model to post-communist democracies is addressed. The major dificulty that the participatory-deliberative model poses for the post-communist democratization can be explained by a reference to the cultural approach towards democratization and to the revised modernization theory presented by Inglehart and Welzel. The problem of the applicability of such a model in the post-communist context seems to support the thesis presented here which suggests that active citizenship, civic skills and civic culture are indispensable for the development of deliberative politics.
EN
Changes of university should not be a result of administrators’ and university managers’ decisions (as a top-down approach), but of initiatives caused by academic community. These engaged initiatives may take a different forms – associations, foundations, membership in academic committees, as well as different kinds of new social movements. An example of such a social movement are Obywatele Nauki (the Citizens of Science). Its members are young (usually post-docs), as well as more experienced scholars, who – despite the fact of achieving scientific and academic success – are working for the common good and the good of the university seen as an important social institution. Thus the Citizens of Science propose and encourage other scholars to seek constructive and parallel solutions, that, on the one hand, will respect the cultural, social, economic roots building the identity of the university, and, on the other hand, that will have will to use the vitality of young academic. There are three main possibilities of interpretation of the activity of the movement. First of all, these are the modern conceptions of social movements (Gorlach, Mooney 2008; Krzeminski 2013; Sztompka 2010; Żuk 2001; Touraine 2010, 2011, 2013), analyzing measures in the dimension of macro, meso and microstructure. Another important interpretation path is a reference to the history of Social Solidarity Movement (Touraine 2010, 2011, 2013; Ost 2007; Staniszkis 2010; Koczanowicz 2009). The third possibility of interpretive is theory of performative democracy (Matynia 2008; Austin 1993; Searl 1980, 1987), which is a particular dimension of public life, what creates an alternative to the undemocratic, unjust practices of power.
EN
The paper gives an ironic and short, both empirical and normative analysis of current Polish home education intertwined with a metaanalysis of the role of metaphors in the language of the educational sciences. Entomological metaphor of subimago helps here in revealing the social status quo of the mentioned „home education” in Poland. One can describe socioeducational reality using different forms of expression. Metaphorization is one of them, not always adequate, but indispensable as well as cognitively pleasant. 
PL
The paper gives an ironic and short, both empirical and normative analysis of current Polish home education intertwined with a metaanalysis of the role of metaphors in the language of the educational sciences. Entomological metaphor of subimago helps here in revealing the social status quo of the mentioned „home education” in Poland. One can describe socioeducational reality using different forms of expression. Metaphorization is one of them, not always adequate, but indispensable as well as cognitively pleasant.
EN
The break-up of the former Yugoslavia resulted in the establishment of seven states with manifestly different citizenship regimes. Relating the politics of citizenship to the dominant nation-building projects, this paper argues that in the post-Yugoslav countries in which nation-building projects are consolidated (Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia) citizenship regimes converge around ethnic inclusiveness, while in those where nation building is contested (Macedonia and Montenegro) territorial rather than ethnic attachments are articulated in citizenship policies. In the case of Kosovo, and to a certain degree Bosnia and Herzegovina, policies emphasise territory due to international involvement in the shaping of their citizenship regimes. Even though all of these states have adopted ius sanguinis as the main mechanism of citizenship attribution at birth, the different approaches to naturalisation and dual citizenship indicate that the politics of citizenship are inextricably linked to the questions of nation building and statehood. To explore these issues, the paper first outlines the main traits of citizenship policies in contested and consolidated states. It proceeds by looking at different naturalisation requirements in the two groups of states. It argues that extension to ethnic kin occurs only in countries in which statehood and nation building are consolidated, where it serves to project an image of national unity. In states that are challenged by several competing nation-building projects, citizenship attribution through ethnic kinship is impossible due to lack of internal unity. The paper also analyses approaches to dual citizenship, identifying patterns of openness and restrictiveness. By doing so, it links the politics of citizenship to the interaction of foreign policy mechanisms in post-Yugoslav countries and identifies the points where these regimes overlap or conflict with each other.
EN
The modern world is opening up to a series of innovations, differences and broadly understood diversity. The pace of changes becomes a peculiar substructure of creating patchwork nations. The variety of races, colors, religions and cultures. All of the above contain a point which, like an electron, resembles an omnipresent “variant”. This constant value is a human being. We are accompanied by a sense of belonging to a specific place, culture and values. On this basis, we expect something (e.g. having rights and freedoms). Citizenship seems to be a binder that puts us in a clearly narrowed community with certain values and often allows us to distinguish our own “self”. Created by history, absorbing presence, citizenship is an important element of our affiliation to the country, to culture and to the values hidden behind them. In the world of diversity, it seems to be a desirable and important element. The purpose of this article is to discuss the contemporary role assigned to citizenship, as well as to show the citizenship as a factor shaping the position of the individual and justifying the distinction made in specific areas of human functioning in the state.
EN
The prospects for the cultivation of special needs students’ citizenship as a prerequisite for the entry of Ukraine into the European Community have been described. The priority of compliance of European democratic sociocultural standards and humanistic values, among which the most important are the changes of attitude towards the disabled people, providing the establishment of equal rights for all Ukrainian citizens, has been specified. It has been confirmed that equal rights for all citizens are a guarantee of the disabled person’s civil self-affirmation and preservation of his honor and dignity. An analysis of domestic and foreign scholars’ works on the issue of citizenship education of young people with special needs has been represented. The pecularities of the special needs students’ citizenship education in the integrated environment of higher educational institutions have been characterised. On the basis of the analyzed literature it has been determined that a special needs’ student has got an opportunity to gain greater understanding of himself and his role in the society, improve his adaptive skills, expand the range of interests and social circle, ensure his own potentialities as a social unit and assert himself in his own value to the society under the conditions of higher educational institution of integrated type. The factors underlying the formation of special needs students’ citizenship in the integrated environment of higher educational institution and characterizing the individual’s citizenship in the democratic society have been thoroughly described.
EN
The aim of the survey was to find out what attitudes young people aged twelve to seventeen maintain towards adult civic qualities and virtues as compared with their demands for changes in civic behaviour. The objective of the study was to find out whether, based on their perception of adult behaviour, the critical youth wish for changes in civic behaviour and which aspects of citizen life they should be linked to. The survey tool used was a questionnaire investigating attitudes and behaviour in various situations of citizens’ everyday life. There were 33 Likert-type question items in the questionnaire (e.g. They are proud of their country.). The questionnaire showed a high level of reliability. The survey sample consisted of 533 adolescent respondents (aged 12–17). There were four factors generated through factor analysis from the collected results: 1. Respect for traditional social norms and roles; 2. Tolerance and respect for other people’s rights; 3. Patriotism and trust in public institutions; 4. Application of constitutional civic rights. The adolescent respondents were asked to mark the statements which should be changed. The outcome confirmed the hypothesis of high criticality in the respondents, which we consider a significant social challenge: adolescents demand a major change in civic behaviour described by the total of 14 items (42.7%) in all four factors. The highest number of proposed changes falls into the factor of “Respect for traditional social norms and roles”, while the fewest proposed changes concern the factor of “Patriotism and trust in public institutions”. According to the respondents, traditional social norms and roles and tolerance and respect for other people´s rights should be strengthened as well. The attitude towards active civic virtues implies a need for better and more sophisticated civic virtues education, both within the family and in schools. The results obtained from this survey will be used in generating civic education programmes for primary and secondary schools.
EN
Civil society (CS) is the main medium in which active citizenship can flourish and have an impact on good governance and democracy. The communist past has played a major role in CS underdevelopment across Eastern European countries but research primarily targeting the elites has explained little of how citizenry has developed and mapped little of the cross-country variation. This paper attempts to increase understanding, looking at the case of Albania, where low levels of active citizenships are documented1, as the main indicator of this underdevelopment. Data from in-depth interviews with key informants explain that it results from a combination of historical factors with current determinants such as the low perceived level of impact, the transparency of CS actors and the political influence believed to often dictate their agendas. These and additional explorations of gender and age differences lead to suggested new strategies to boost active citizenship in the country.
EN
The article is a part of a discussion about the efforts of the modern nation‑state to control individuals by circumscribing their mobility. The case study concerns a community from Mixteca region in Oaxaca, Mexico. The exclusion from the labor market contributed to national and international mobility of the community members. Because of their border crossing without the required state authorization migrants are labeled “illegal”. The U.S. nation‑state reduces them to what Giorgio Agamben has called “bare life”. Deportation is manifestation of total power that nation‑state holds over a deportable alien. In the first decade of the 21st century the number of removals equaled deportations during the Great Depression. Members of the transnational community, excluded both by “sending” and “receiving” states, seek ways to build the community’s welfare on their own. It is possible due to collective monetary remittances, which enable the realization of the communitarian goals. That is an example of political culture that constitutes the emerging transnational citizenship.
EN
This paper unpacks the legitimacy gap existing between post-communist policies of citizenship restitution, the experiences of these policies, and the media coverage of these policies. Considering citizenship restitution first as analogous to property restitution, theoretically citizenship restitution appears as compensatory, to right the wrongs of communist- and Soviet-era seizures and border changes, and appears to establish citizenship restitution as a right. Using UK media coverage of Romania’s policy of citizenship restitution vis-à-vis Moldova, the paper shows the extent to which this policy is framed as an illegitimate loophole propagated by a ‘Romanian Other’ which is ‘giving out’ EU passports, exploited by an impoverished and criminal ‘Moldovan Other’, and inflicted on a ‘UK Self’ that is powerless to stem the tide of migration and block routes to gaining access to the EU via such policies. However, the paper also contrasts, and challenges, this media framing by using interviews with those acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova to demonstrate the extent to which acquiring Romanian citizenship in Moldova is a costly and lengthy procedure. Overall, the paper shows the extent to which citizenship restitution is a contested procedure, constructed as a right by the state seeking to compensate former citizens, and as illegitimate by those who construct a logic resulting from feeling threatened by policies of citizenship restitution.
EN
The subject of the opinion is an analysis of the degree of implementation of provisions of the Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons of 1954 and the Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness of 1961 in the Polish legal system, in particular: determination of the rules of the Conventions which are present in Polish law; an analysis of possible inconsistencies between the Conventions and Polish law; an indication of legislator’s obligations that would arise, if Poland became bound by these Conventions.
EN
Economic and political changes in Europe, particularly in the last decade have led to an increase in the cultural diversity of its citizens. Latvia, which received a troubling legacy from the former Soviet Union – a diverse ethnic mix, also found itself EU. In 1989, after nearly fifty years of Soviet domination it regained its independence and stood on the way of reform and transition from a totalitarian to an independent style of governance. Among the many problems that appeared in front of this small country in 2004, there were also those that are lively debated in contemporary Europe. Some of them are laws for immigrants and minority rights. Analysis of past and present situation in Latvia seem to be particularly important to the events which have recently been seen in Ukraine which is an another country of the past Soviet Union – and after 1990 also the Russian – sphere of influence. Article deals with the integration process, with Latvian law regulating issues of citizenship, minority rights and the status of the state language as conforming to international standards. It also deals with the education of national minorities in Latvia. Bilingual education proposed to the minorities has goal to integrate the Latvian society as a whole, to build a multicultural state based on unity. Bilingual education also enables the acquisition of language skills allowing the free movement on the labor market. This ensures both the protection of ethnic and religious identity by providing the understanding of the language and culture of the country of residence. Problems of this young state are still waiting for a solution by the future government in Latvia. This small Baltic country, for ten years, is integrating multinational community of its own country into the tissue of Western Europe to which it was a stranger till the year 2004.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyze cultural security from the micro and meso perspective of immigrants. The paper covers following issues: cultural security in migration context, cultural citizenship, description of Polish diaspora in Reykjavik in the context of cultural activities and Icelandic support for immigrants’ cultural security. The article is based on researches carried out in Reykjavik in 2010 and in 2014 and on a desk research carried out in May 2014.
EN
Joining these two concepts of political science and philosophy (i.e. individual political identity and participatory political culture) is an attempt to explore their comprehensive potential, regarding the foundation of any democratic regime, namely the rule of law, civil society, a civilized global political world in which each individual can find his dignity, without being considered simply an anonymous in the great mass of people controlled and dominated through propaganda and restrictions by a relatively small number of people. The paper is structured on the main stated aspects: citizenship and political identity; identity, human dignity and the rule of law (as “medium term”); participative political culture. Participatory political culture is defining for the identity of a citizen in a state of law, but when the myths of democracy come into conflict with the political reality, indifference or absenteeism are also part of the cultural practices of citizenship and this is a challenge to political philosophy.
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