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1
Content available remote Większości konstytucyjne — wybrane problemy
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nr 6(155)
99-123
EN
Collegial bodies as well as the sovereign make decisions by voting. The adoption of a legal act or the selection of a candidate depends on obtaining a certain majority of votes. The subject of this study is the majority of votes regulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The basic types of majority in force in the Polish Constitution are: simple, absolute and qualified majority. The authors present particular types of majority of votes used in votes of the Sejm, the Senate, the National Assembly and the Constitutional Tribunal, but also in elections and referendums. There are as many as eight types of majority required depending on the kind of decision to be made, which results from calculating the majority based on the statutory number of members, and not the actual number of voters. This is a sure sign that the legislator deliberately determined and differentiated the required majorities.
2
88%
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nr 19
5-29
EN
In most studies of voting behavior, political preferences are explained at the level of the “country, election, electoral cohort or individual voter” (Franklin 2004). Notably absent from these studies is the impact of voters living abroad. Their importance is not to be neglected, especially in democratizing states. This research targets the predictions that lie behind the turnout and preferences of Romanian emigrants. Romanian Diaspora consistently votes for parties and candidates that promise reforms. This vote is associated with liberal economic policy preferences and support for minority groups. I test these hypotheses with elections results data from 2000 to 2016 coupled with data collected from Votulmeu.com an online Voting Advice Application from the 2012 parliamentary and 2014 presidential elections in Romania.
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nr 1
7-33
EN
Strategic partnership between states is a reciprocal exchange built on mutual commitment. The significance of the United States to Lithuania is unquestionable. However, why should the U.S. care about Lithuania? The emphasis on the U.S. interests and policies allows ignoring the question about Lithuania’s engagement and input into the partnership. Therefore, this article asks how does Lithuania contribute to the strategic partnership with the U.S.? To be precise, does Lithuania support and pledge its allegiance to the U.S. when this support goes beyond the limits of direct responsibilities of strategic partner, or even enters into a conflict with other important responsibilities or interests of the state?
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nr 3(18)
253-264
EN
The paper is a report on the quantitative research of civil activity of women in the Province of Silesia (N = 200). Research technique used here is CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interview). The starting point of the proposal is conceptualisation of term of active citizenship and subsequently identification specific indicators that will be taken to represent the phenomenon explored (such as political participation, interest in government, law enforcement, altruism and volunteering, trust in people and institutions, and the use of the privileges of direct democracy).The article shows the importance of this project for development of civil society in Poland and the possibility of change that can be achieved in this way.
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tom 57
103-123
EN
The article is a comparative analysis of political knowledge in Poland against the background of polities operating in a similar socio-political and cultural context. Political knowledge is an important determinant of the quality of democracy. It is also a key variable predicting attitudes and behaviour. According to theory, knowledge of politics allows for enlightened consideration of public affairs. It should make it easier for citizens to make rational decisions. It should also make them immune to populism and allow them to fully exercise civic roles. Our analyses show a relatively low level of political knowledge in Poland, as compared to the European countries with longer duration of democracy. At the same time, however, Poland does not diverge from other post-communist countries.
PL
Celem artykułu jest porównawcza analiza wiedzy politycznej Polaków na tle społeczeństw w zbliżonym kontekście społeczno-politycznym i kulturowym. Kwestia wiedzy politycznej jest istotnym czynnikiem decydującym o jakości demokracji. Jest to także istotna zmienna wyjaśniająca w empirycznych badaniach politycznych postaw i zachowań. Zgodnie z teorią wiedza o polityce pozwala w oświecony sposób myśleć o wspólnocie i jej sprawach. Powinna ułatwiać obywatelom podejmowanie racjonalnych i roztropnych decyzji. Ma wpływ na postawy polityczne i zachowania, powinna uodparniać na populizm i ułatwiać występowanie w roli światłego obywatela. Nasze analizy pokazują relatywnie niski poziom wiedzy politycznej w Polsce, w porównaniu z krajami europejskimi o dłuższym trwaniu demokracji. Jednocześnie jednak Polska nie odbiega od innych krajów postkomunistycznych.
EN
The issues discussed in this article are clearly related to the COVID-19 pandemic and its negative impact on civic participation. In 2020, the pandemic and combined lockdown temporarily interrupted deliberation of budget processes in over a hundred Polish cities. However, not much has changed in the general landscape and in the shape of the topography of civic budgeting in Poland. It is still a difficult area for deliberation, although it is possible. The authors of the article have attempted to present the effects of those elements of the statutory regulation of civic budgets that are not conducive to the development of deliberation. The results of the analyzes were compared to the typology of participation in civic budgeting known in the literature, taking into account the cases of three Polish cities.
PL
Problematyka artykułu ma wyraźny związek z pandemią COVID-19 i jej negatywnym wpływem na partycypację. W 2020 r. pandemia i związany z nią lockdown czasowo przerwały deliberację w procesach budżetowych w ponad stu polskich miastach. Jednak zarazem w ogólnym pejzażu oraz w kształcie topografii budżetowania obywatelskiego w Polsce wiele się nie zmieniło. Nadal jest to teren dla deliberacji niełatwy, choć jest ona możliwa. Autorzy artykułu podjęli próbę przybliżenia skutków oddziaływania tych elementów ustawowej regulacji budżetów obywatelskich, które nie sprzyjają rozwojowi deliberacji. Wyniki analiz odniesiono do znanej w literaturze modelowej typologii partycypacji w budżetowaniu obywatelskim, z uwzględnieniem przypadków trzech polskich miast.
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