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EN
The present paper deals with the synchronic variation of the phoneme /ʁ/ in the unstressed word final syllable onset in modern German spontaneous speech. Our research task was to determine the phonetic context, in which the phoneme /ʁ/ undergoes modifications in the above-mentioned position and to establish, whether the intensity and the type of modifications (vocalization or elision of the phoneme /ʁ/) could correlate with the part of speech and with the combinatorial conditions of sound realization. The data collected are based on the acoustic analysis of spontaneous speech (interviews in the media) of 20 German scientists (10 men and 10 women) from the Central and Southern Germany. Our results showed that the phoneme /ʁ/ undergoes intense modifications mainly in the word final position "stressed long vowel + ʁ + schwa vowel + nasal" in various parts of speech: verbs, plural forms of nouns, adjectives, participles, substantivized verbs, possessive pronouns and prepositions. The type of modification of the phoneme /ʁ/ in the relevant position correlates with the sound context. After high and mid vowels [iː], [yː], [uː], [eː], [ɛː], [øː], [oː] vowel realizations as unsyllabic [ɐ̯] clearly dominate over the consonantal as [ʁ], leading to the emergence of centralizing secondary diphthongs [iːɐ̯], [yːɐ̯], [uːɐ̯], [eːɐ̯], [ɛːɐ̯], [øːɐ̯], [oːɐ̯]. In the position after the long [aː] an elision of the allophones of the phoneme /ʁ/ is predominant, which can lead to an overlong articulation of the preceding low vowel as [aːː].
EN
Plosives in Estonian have been considered voiceless. However, analysis has shown that short plosives tend to get at least partially voiced and otherwise reduced in connected speech. This seems to be quite a universal tendency in different languages. The present paper investigates short plosives in intervocalic position in most frequent content words. Phonetic materials were extracted from the Phonetic Corpus of Estonian Spontaneous Speech. Patterns in the reduction of plosives and possible influences of stress and vowel context were investigated. Two kinds of allophones emerged – those that were fully realised and had a distinguishable release burst, and the reduced ones that had lost the burst phase. The amount of reduced tokens differentiated the velar plosive [k] from others. As [p] and [t] both had over 65% of fully realised tokens, but over 60% of [k] tokens were reduced. [k] also had most different allophones. Among fully realised tokens there were voiceless, partially voiced, and fully voiced allophones. The voiceless allophone was the rarest, 19% tokens of [p] and only 10% of [t] and [k] were voiceless. Most frequent allophones among phonemes were partially voiced for [p] (29%), fully voiced for [t] (37%), and reduced voiced for [k] (47%). Closure durations were related to place of articulation. [p] had the longest average durations and [t] the shortest. Across all tokens [k] and [t] had similar average durations but within allophones durations were closer between [k] and [p]. Burst durations were the longest, around 30 ms for [k] and almost the same duration, between 21–23 ms, for [p] and [t], with the exception of the voiceless allophone [t], which was 27 ms. Closure durations differed significantly between [p] and [t] and burst durations were significantly different between [k] and other phonemes. Stressed positions included both lexical and contrastive stresses. Stress had some effect on the allophonic distribution but almost none on durations. As expected, there were more voiceless and partially voiced tokens in stressed position and more reduced tokens and total loss in unstressed position. Differences were the biggest for [t] and the smallest for [k]. Durations differed very little, whereas none were statistically significant. Vowel context had some influence on allophonic distribution. The influence was the biggest on [t]. Overall, there were more fricative and approximant tokens around [i].[t] had more partially voiced tokens and less voiced tokens around labial vowels [o, u]. There were more reduced [k] tokens around [a] and [i]. On durations the vowel context again influenced [t] the most. Durations between all vowel contexts were statistically different for [t] (p<.01); the longest durations appeared after [i]. In general, the present study confirms the results of the previous ones. Allophonic distribution is very similar to the previous study of Estonian spontaneous speech. Closures were at least partially voiced in most cases which refer to carry-over voicing of the previous vowel. Vocal cord vibration stops for a very brief time or does not stop at all during short closure times. Burst durations appear to be longer in spontaneous speech than in read speech. Little influence of stress is in accordance with findings in the studies on Estonian and some other languages. Vowel influences were dependent on the place of articulation. Bilabial [p] was the least affected both in allophonic variation and in durations. Velar [k] was influenced by the vowel context but it mostly occurred in whole as extensive reduction; different vowels had more effect on the allophonic variation than in the case of [p] but durations were almost unaffected. Influences on [t] mostly occurred as significant duration differences; yet, also some differences in allophonic variation occurred.
EN
The article addresses prosodic characteristics of the new intonation contour which can be observed in spontaneous speech in the contemporary Russian language. The study focuses on the attempt made to identify the most relevant criteria of this new intonation construction and to explain the reasons underlying its occurrence.
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tom 2
171-180
EN
The paper deals with alien linguistic elements in contemporary Russian speech on television. The analysis reveals the systematic character of their usage which serves particular pragmatic functions such as filling in lexical gaps, adding national color, etc. What presents the greatest interest are the cases showing that speakers are often aware of non-concurrence of lexical meanings (and conceptual systems) in different languages and even ascribe to the words from other languages new meanings and additional connotations they originally had not in the languages they come from (among the dominating ones are English, German, French and Italian, having the full scope of functions). Accordingly, today many native speakers of Russian (to different extent) live in several interacting linguistic worlds, using freely the resources of other languages, borrowing whatever they need for their mental model of the world.
EN
In spontaneous speech the problem of lexical access can occur as the use of incorrect lexemes. The various types of incorrect lexemes can be based on semantic and phonetic similarity, caused by grammatical reasons, mixed idioms or compression report. They can also occur in telling the poems learnt by heart. The incorrect lexemes occurring in these situations have common elements and differences, but the question is to what extent. A series of experiments was carried out with the participation of secondary-school children. Their improved and unimproved incorrect words selected from their spontaneous speech patterns, and their poems learnt by heart were analysed in quantitative and qualitative terms (frequency, types, word orders) both by Praat program and by statistics. The results have confirmed the preliminary assumption and they can offer new input into serving teenagers whose development of typical language mental lexicons may serve for comparison testing of atypical language development.
PL
W mowie spontanicznej problem dostępu leksykalnego może wystąpić w formie użycia niewłaściwych leksemów. Różne ich typy mogą być związane z podobieństwem semantycznym i fonetycznym, spowodowanym względami gramatycznymi, pomieszaniem idiomów lub zjawiskiem kompresji. Mogą również wystąpić w recytowaniu wierszy uczonych na pamięć. Niepoprawne leksemy występujące w tych sytuacjach mają wspólne elementy i różnice, ale pytanie brzmi, w jakim stopniu one występują. Przeprowadzono serię eksperymentów z udziałem uczniów szkół średnich. Poprawiane i niepoprawiane błędne słowa wybrane z ich spontanicznych wzorców mowy i ich wyuczonych na pamięć wierszy analizowano pod względem ilościowym i jakościowym (częstotliwość, rodzaje, szyk) z użyciem programu Praat i narzędzi statystycznych. Wyniki badania potwierdziły nasze wstępne założenia i mogą wnieść nowy wkład w pomaganie nastolatkom, a także użycie badań typowego rozwoju mentalnego leksykonu w badaniach z nietypowego rozwoju języka.
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nr 1
65-82
EN
The article deals with recording techniques in linguistic field research. It aims at providing linguists with technical and practical knowledge on how to make a high quality speech recording in a non-laboratory setting. As the first step in field recording is to master the manipulation with the audio device, the paper starts with the presentation and the explanation of basic concepts related to digital audio signal processing. It goes on with the description of the basic technical equipment for speech recording as well as some of the supplementary components. This should help the readers handle the instruments in practice. A separate section is devoted to the classification and the description of external microphones which can be used as an effective extension of compact recording devices. Apart from technical aspects of field recording, practical issues such as the choice of an appropriate place and the organization of the recording session are also discussed. Attention is paid to the ways how to manage and store the recordings too, including proper treatment of the metadata. Finally, some suggestions on how to enhance the spontaneity of the respondents’ speech behaviour are offered. The article draws primarily on the authors’ own experience with field recording and it presupposes no previous knowledge of technical terms and audio processing techniques.
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2017
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tom 12
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nr 1
1-26
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza dwóch typów zdań względnych w mówionym języku polskim – tj. wprowadzanych przez zaimek względny któr-y oraz przez nieodmienny relator co. Głównym obszarem zainteresowania są niekanoniczne konstrukcje, w których obserwuje się rozluźnioną integrację akomodacyjną pomiędzy grupą rzeczownikową a zdaniem względnym. Dla obu wskaźników zespolenia (który i co), tekst omawia poszczególne typy cech formalnych, które powodują taką niezintegrowaną strukturę. Analiza danych korpusowych pozwala również na ilościowe określenie stopnia dezintegracji w obu typach zdań. Mimo że spontaniczny język mówiony wymusza pewną dozę dezintegracji w obu przypadkach, zdania względne z co (zwłaszcza te w funkcji innej niż podmiot) znacznie częściej charakteryzują się taką właśnie budową. Zdania z co odbiegają od kanonicznej relatywizacji jeszcze w innym sensie: oprócz funkcji relativum generale, co może pełnić inne funkcje semantyczne, takie jak spójniki podrzędne miejsca i czasu (porównywalne z gdzie i kiedy) lub spójnik ogólnego zastosowania. Tego rodzaju użycia wskazują na ekspansję statusu kategorialnego co. Zaobserwowane zjawiska pokrywają się z doniesieniami innych autorów badających składnię spontanicznego języka mówionego (Miller and Weinert 1998).
EN
The paper examines syntactic features of non-canonical relativization in spoken Polish that loosen the structural integration of two types of relative clauses – one introduced by the complementizer co, the other by the wh-pronoun który. The resulting unintegration holds between the head NP and the co/który clause and contrasts with the integrated structure of canonical relatives. I discuss the range of unintegration features observed for both types in corpus data and indicate the distinct quantitative extents to which the two types are unintegrated. Although the nature of spontaneous conversation is such that it imposes some loosening of structural cohesion in both types, co clauses (especially non-subject relative clauses) are far more frequently unintegrated than który clauses. Also, co clauses depart functionally from the canonical relative structure in that the complementizer co serves functions other than that of a straightforward relativizer, namely it has conjunction-like uses (temporal, spatial, and general conjunction), indicating an expansion of the categorial status of co. The observed unintegration of Polish conversational relatives is in line with previous analyses of the syntax of unplanned speech (e.g. Miller and Weinert 1998)
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