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The article describes Josef and Stanislaw Mackiewicz’s, polish publicists, views on the problem of communism, its nature and origins. Main point of difference in their critiques of communism was connected with their views on the relation between communist state and Russian tradition. Stanislaw Mackiewicz after the end of the Second World War was changing his previous opinion and began to see Soviet Union as a new form of Russian imperialism. In this way he could renew the tradition of conservative political realism of Wielopolski. In 1956 r. Stanislaw Mackiewicz came back to Poland and started to act in order to widen polish autonomy in the circumstances of soviet domination. Josef Mackiewicz claimed that communism was a new form of political slavery and that there was no possibilities to act according to traditions of nineteenth century political realism. New dangerous form of political power of Soviet Union exclude any political compromise. In his opinion Soviet Union and its political orbits were no partner for political dialog but an ultimate enemy not only for slaved nations but whole human civilization.
EN
In the paper, the author describes one of currents in Marx-inspired arts and aesthetics, as present in post-war Poland. The first part focuses on the aesthetic views of Marx and Engels. The second one analyzes the ideological background of social realism in the light of the Polish philosophy (Stefan Morawski “Why the Artwork Should Be Realistic?”). The third one offers a counterpoint by introducing an alternative model of Marx-inspired realism, as perceived by Władysław Strzemiński (from “The Theory of Vision”) and Morawski (in the review of Strzemiński's essay). The conclusion uses Morawski's-own article (“About the Realism As an Artistic Category”) to undermine the concept of social realism as built on wrong and ahistorical interpretations of Marx and Engels.
PL
Zrób mi jakąś krzywdę by Jakub Żulczyk and the question of realism in prose The article focuses on the effort to revisit Polish novel from the end of XX and the beginning of XXI centuries and to re-examine critical voices that were directed at young writers at the time. The subject of reflection relies on the question whether it would be justified to view selected prose from that period as realistic, in the way that realism is understood in the perspective of anthropology of literature.
PL
Ivan Nechuy-Levytsky, as a representative of the social and domestic trend of realism, always tends to show a panorama of life and to describe it in ethnographic details in space and time. The author’s position appears distinct in the writings of intellectuals. The author’s viewpoint reveals itself not as a solely subjective sense, but as a general signifi cant idea. The choice of the form of an epic tale in Nechuy–Levytsky’s writings about intellectuals was greatly infl uenced by his tales of country life. Detailed descriptions of the stage, different scenes, and elements which have no direct relevance to the plot, play a signifi cant role in the writings of the intellectual, because of his maximum thoroughness and objectivity. Newsreel narration defi ned the basic principle of the structure and composition of Nechuy-Levytsky’s works, which are used for the opening and organising images.
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Content available ON THE NATURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM
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Author discussed various theoretical difficulties connected with the concept and dynamics of international system. He claims that many misunderstandings in political science, including inaccurate predictions as well as real-time-analysis, are caused by lack of precise theory of international systems within international relations as well as failure to adapt some concepts regarding systems from General System Theory, Cybernetics, Chaos Theory and Catastrophy Theory (or paradigm of complexity as a whole), that seem to be used with success in other disciplines like biology or physics. The author proposes five essential dimensions where structure of the system could be successfully measured. He argues that systemic approach based on various theories concerning complexity can lead to resolving some essential questions concerning the nature of the system with the most important one concerning mechanisms at various levels of the system, need to be answered.
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Content available Definicje przedmiotu teoretycznego
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EN
The paper presents three main definitions of theoretical entity: basic definition, definition from unobservability, and ontological definition. These are the definitions of theoretical entity that are most popular and widely accepted by philosophers of science (both realists and antirealists). All these definitions contain significant defects, which lead to unacceptable conclusions. The author also offers an alternative definition from explanation, which avoids the defects of previous definitions. The aim of the paper is to prove that proper definition of theoretical entity is necessary in debates over scientific realism. To make a legitimate claim about the existence of theoretical entities, one should know what theoretical entity really is.
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The paper addresses one of most important topics in contemporary epistemology, i.e. the controversy between realistic vs. constructivist approach to reality and science. In my article I focus on two representatives of these approaches, on Ian Hacking's realistic view of knowledge, and on Bruno Latour's radical constructivism. In the first part, Latour's idea of anthropological research of the method of sciences is discussed. I argue that Latour's conception boils down to an assertion against there being an universal method of science. In second part I discuss realistic standpoint of Ian Hacking and his view that not all scientific facts are theoretical constructions.
EN
In the culture two theories always appeara: realism and idealism. Yet, in the contemporary philosophy the idealistic theory dominates while realism is excluded. Idealism, howeverm poses danger in the contemporary intellectual culture. This is particularly revealed when thinking about values. Idealism perceives value as a thought or a notion. Realistic philosophy, on the other hand, defines value as the relation between persons. In the culture, values do not last but they are only a sign or a record that people come into relations.
EN
The author argues that in the history of film studies there are few concepts so loaded with ambiguity, confusion, contradiction and controversy as “realism”. This term refers to various phenomena: artistic stance, means of expression, the on-screen effect, and the attitude of the audience. Realism is a term that is both theoretical and an element of the language of film criticism, it is also a common word used in everyday expressions. Any reflection on realism in cinema has been based on the belief in the “natural” or “innate” realism in film art, and refers to notions of naïve or common sense realism. The author proposes that the subject of the discussion be not realism tout court, but historically different variables of the “realistic” formation. Usually it is easy to show their direct relationship with the theoretical concepts of realism, though the relationship is not always unambiguous. It is sufficient to refer to examples to demonstrate that the collective, unifying approach to the definition of “realism” is not really possible.
EN
To assess a level of realism of the opposition in Poland before the “Solidarity” movement we must first determine its effects. The estimate as modest. Polish opposition members from the 70s failed to effectively influence the public mood to initiate systemic change in the country. There have also developed valuable doctrine, or any political approach to be applicable in a free country. From this perspective, political activities in the 70s was completely devoid of realism. This does not mean, however, that the efforts of this people have gone completely down the drain. The achievements of the opposition in non-democratic system, which was a communist, another measure should be assessed. Undoubted achievements of the five-years activity of several opposition tendencies was to create a new elite that since the birth of “Solidarity” to this day the tone of public life in Poland. It was also planting at different points of the country and different social group the seeds of contention for further life in the communist lie.
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Content available remote Realismus Bernarda Williamse
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A familiarity with the life work of Bernard Williams impresses on us his arguments in moral theory and systematization. In Williams̕ view, the agent’s identity and integrity is based on (impartial) reason, emotions, projects and many other things which the agent finds to be important for him. In this sense, the ability to cope with a life full of irresoluble conflicts and stress, a life which we never have in our command and yet which we responsibly fulfill, is the central value. This modest notion of a human being’s life, denying (a longing for) sovereignty, represents Williams̕ realism. He treats policy as a struggle among the powerful, the less powerful and the powerless to be the essence of all life morality included. Because of this fact, Williams resists founding policy upon any moral system, and insists on dealing with political platitudes ( just as his favorite ancient Greek tragedy used to do) in which everything essential is comprised: how to justify constraint where it is already forbidden to constrain agents to do some things etc. In short, Williams is interested in universal evil and tragic principles and the possibilities of reducing them in actual, historical, circumstances. He has doubts about theories dealing with unreal matters (utopia) or less essential things (for example it is good to study theories of liberalism but only in historical circumstances).
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Content available remote Czy prymasa Wyszyńskiego można określać mianem realisty politycznego?
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The Roman Catholic Church was main enemy of communist government in Polish People Republic. Wise leadership of cardinal Stefan Wyszyński prevented this institution from destruction or lost independence. All of his activity had one main purpose – give protection from the plans of communist dignities. So I try to show that cardinal Wyszyński was probably the most realistic person in the history of the Polish People Republic. His attitude was main reason that polish Catholic Church didn’t lost their independence from communist system.
EN
The study is devoted on the problem of political realism in Polish political thought in exile after World War II (1945‑1989). The author concludes that the categories of “political realism” and “political idealism” are generally inadequate to the history of Polish political thought. There is rather difficult to find the “political realism” or “political idealism” in a clear substantial phenomenon. Very often, political ideas incorporate idealism and realism. Realist analysis of the realities could lead to a moral capitulation under the conviction that the change of the conditions is impossible. Sometimes it permit to keep the “idealist” aims but also avoiding the hopeless decisions (insurrections). Obviously, a future restoration of Polish independence after Yalta required a great geopolitical revolution in Europe. Poles had no means to achieve this aim acting in isolation. They also had no idea to reconcile themselves with the realities of Soviet domination. Polish political thought after Yalta was an exercise in resolving the impossible questions. The most prominent Polish political writer in exile Juliusz Mieroszewski argued that the categories of “realism” and “idealism” are changing in history. Their real sense depends on geopolitical constellation of a given nation in a given time. A perfect policy is idealist in the sphere of aims and realist in the domain of methods as Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski thought. Political thinkers of Polish emigration tried to reconsider the lesson of the past – especially from the tragedy of Warsaw Uprising of 1944 – and not to permit for a new insurrection in 1956. Significant internal autonomy of the Polish People’s Republic after 1956 was considered not as a final achievement but only an “stage” on the rather long way to future independence. Mieroszewski’s „evolutionism” was not a sort of reconciliation with the communist order and the dependence on the USSR but a conception based on the conviction that only the internal changes inside the communist regime could bring the real progress in the fight for independence.
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Content available remote Okrągły stół. Czy było warto?
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In 1989 Realists were on both sides of the political contention. Realists from the Communist party thought it was necessary to make changes that would prevent the outbreak of social discontent. They also wanted to partly shift the responsibility for the condition of the state onto the opposition. Realists from the Solidarity camp thought the offer of the Communist was acceptable, and that the Solidarity should wait for further developments strengthening itself. Each group had to overcome its inner opponents and eventually a concept of the compromise prevailed. It saved the first group from bearing consequences for the times of dictatorship, and allowed the second group to build up a sovereign, democratic state. However, the victory of the latter turned out to be illusory as Communists settled down within democratic structures, infesting them with pathologies of the their system: corruption, bribery, impunity of secret services, dependency of courts and ideological deviations.
Human Affairs
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2009
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tom 19
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nr 2
211-222
EN
Lifeworld realism and quantum-physical realism are taken as experience-dependent conceptions of the world that become objects of explicit reflection when confronted with context-external discourses. After a brief sketch of the two contexts of experience-lifeworld and quantum physics-and their realist interpretations, I will discuss the quantum world from the perspective of lifeworld realism. From this perspective, the quantum world-roughly speaking-has to be either unreal or else constitute a different reality. Then, I invert the perspective and examine the lifeworld from the standpoint of quantumphysical realism. This conception of the lifeworld has gained momentum from new research results in recent decades. Despite its experiential basis, quantum-physical realism bears an ambiguity akin to that of lifeworld realism. While the perspectival inversion serves to highlight the problem, it also contributes to an improved understanding of lifeworld-realism.
EN
The aim of the presented article is to provide an in-depth analysis of the adequacy of designating Penrose as a complex Pythagorean in view of his much more common designation as a Platonist. Firstly, the original doctrine of the Pythagoreans will be briefly surveyed with the special emphasis on the relation between the doctrine of this school and the teachings of the late Platonic School as well as its further modifications. These modifications serve as the prototype of the contemporary claims of the mathematicity of the Universe. Secondly, two lines of Penrose’s arguments in support of his unique position on the ontology of the mathematical structures will be presented: (1) their existence independent of the physical world in the atemporal Platonic realm of pure mathematics and (2) the mathematical structures as the patterns governing the workings of the physical Universe. In the third step, a separate line of arguments will be surveyed that Penrose advances in support of the thesis that the complex numbers seem to suit these patterns with exceptional adequacy. Finally, the appropriateness of designation Penrose as a complex Pythagorean will be assessed with the special emphasis on the suddle threshold between his unique position and that of the adherents of the mathematicity of the Universe.
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Content available Power of the State: A Theoretical Approach
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Power is a fundamental category in the field of political and security sciences. It occupies a key position in practically every theory of international relations. Some of the categories that describe power can be defined using similar terms, although there are also those that define similar categories in a completely different manner. This is what happens when you find similar definitions for terms such as ‘power, ‘strength’, ‘authority’, or ‘influence’. Identifying the factors that make up a state’s power is no less problematic. Even if some elements of power seem to be unchanged (military or economic factors) and important for all currents of the theory of international relations, the differences in their rank may be significant and crucial for understanding the differences between particular theoretical approaches. The aim of the article is to show both the fixed elements of individual theories (primarily realistic and liberal, but also radicalism and postmodernism) as well as the differences in defining the power of their individual representatives.
EN
In this note I am reflecting on interrelations between three concepts of truth: (1) that employed by Hilbert arguing his formalist view on the nature of mathematics, (2) Freges idea of truth supported by mathematical intuition, and (3) known as Aristotelian correspondence idea of truth concerning any propositions not merely mathematical.
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Content available Philosophical Doubts about reality
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There are many pragmatisms, and it is a litle misleading to present this variegated trend of thought as if it were a monolithic doctrine. The founding fathers, too, were all but unanimous. Peirce was not in agreement with James on many issues. Dewey, in turn, did not like various aspects of both Peirce's and James' philosophy, while C.I. Lewis' views on logic were quite diefrent from those held by Dewey. It should not be surprising, then, to find the same amount of disagreement in contemporary neo-pragmatism, where Rescher and Rorty, who both define themselves pragmatists, display diefrent opinions on most subjects. I shall draw some comparisons between the ideas of these two thinkers. As a maetr of fact there are many pragmatisms, so that it is a litle misleading to present this variegated trend of thought as if it were a monolithic doctrine. The founding fathers, too, were all but unanimous. Peirce was not in agreement with James on many issues. Dewey, in turn, did not like various aspects of both Peirce's and James' philosophy, while C.I. Lewis' views on logic were quite diefrent from those held by Dewey. It should not be surprising, then, to find the same amount of disagreement in today neopragmatism, where Rescher and Rorty, who both define themselves pragmatists, display diefrent opinions on most subjects. In the present section we shall draw some sketchy comparisons between the ideas of these two thinkers. Rescher views the contrast between himself and Rorty as a continuation of the struggle between an objective pragmatism (or “pragmatism of the right”) which includes the triad Peirce-Lewis-Rescher, and a subjective one (or “pragmatism of the left”) 1 which comprises James, the early and middle Dewey, and Rorty. The later Dewey assumes, in this picture, a middle-of-the-road position. While Rorty must certainly be praised for both overcoming the linguistic turn and making pragmatism popular again in American philosophy following several decades of relative forgetfulness, Rescher argues that the Rortyan interpretation of pragmatism is too partial. In particular, by taking Rorty too seriously one is led to believe that pragmatism implies relativism. 1 Marsonet, Michele. “Diefrent pragmatist reactions to analytic philosophy.” New Perspectives on Pragmatism and Analytic Philosophy, edited by Rosa M. Calcaterra, Studies in Pragmatism and Values, 2011, 101-107
EN
The paper discusses various theoretical explanations of the European cooperation in the field of security and defence. According to realist explanations this cooperation was a response to external evolutions in the international system, i.e. changes in polarity and distribution of power. Liberals say that it was rather due to internal factors. Constructivists argue that it was a result of elites’ socialisation, while according to Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, it was caused by civil servants and military staff at the policy implementation level. The paper argues that external factors underlined by realists were decisive, i.e. America’s decreasing involvement in European security.
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