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EN
We argue that neo-liberal educational policy has emerged as a proto-fascist governmentality. This contemporary technology relies on State racisms and racial orderings manifested from earlier liberal and neo-liberal practices of biopower. As a proto-fascist technology, education policy, and school choice policies in particular, operate within a racial aesthetics that connects ultra-nationalisms with microfascisms of racialized bodies. We discuss historical examples of liberal school segregation and residential schools in relation to contemporary examples of chartered ethnic-identity schools to illustrate the complexities of proto-fascist education policy.
EN
The contemporary investigations on power, politics, government and knowledge are profoundly influenced by Foucault’s work. Governmentality, as a specific way of seeing the connections between the formation of subjectivities and population politics, has been used extensively in anthropology as neoliberal governmentalities have been spreading after the 1990s all over the world. A return to Foucault can help to clarify some overtly ideological uses of ‘neoliberalism’ in nowadays social sciences.
EN
A review of Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval’s book Commun: essai sur la révolution au XXIe siècle. Following a manuscript published by the author at Pós Ciências Sociais (a peer-reviewed journal on the social sciences of Federal University of Maranhão – Brazil), in this text the author discusses Dardot and Laval’s approach to the problem of the common in light of both their theoretical path and the contemporary political impasses of neoliberal capitalism. In this sense, three main axes are articulated in this text: the institution of the common, neoliberal rationality and the problem of governmentality.
EN
This article presents and analyses the use of work in promoting integration for asylum seekers and refugees in Lombardy (North of Italy). The research materials, collected from a larger research project involving asylum-seekers, refugees, professionals, and researchers, highlight how two main discourses operate in complementary fashion in integration practices based on career guidance and traineeships. Work is on the one hand a potential enabling factor that allows migrants to enter a relational space based on solidarity but, at the same time, it may represent a barrier, filtering out those who are welcome and those who are not. These two effects intersect, depending on a multiplicity of factors embedded in the institutional integration system. Narratives collected on this network will be used to explore how mechanisms of recognition and exclusion are related not only to an economic logic but to values connected to a certain kind of work culture. This is a dimension that is often neglected by social operators whose practices are continuously exposed to the risk of constructing, unconsciously, the “integrable” migrant.
EN
This paper is a continuation of my reflection upon “neo-liberal entanglements of education” and an attempt to interpret Michel Foucault’s works with respect to selected aspects of youth policy in Poland. My focus here is on the relations between the issues of government and morality. I will begin with a brief examination of Foucault’s views on government and governmentality, pointing out some trains of thought that will be developed in the further sections. In what follows, I will present an attempt at the risk discourse analysis, focusing my attention on the regimes of truth employed in youth policy. Discussing the political and economic potential of realized risk used by the neo-liberal program, I will refer to some specific ideas of “technologies of the self” – from the Greek principle of care for oneself; then, the idea of getting to know oneself to the modern ethics of investing in oneself. Finally, referring to Foucault’s findings, I will place neo-liberal techniques within the context of two regimes: the discourse of threat (risk) and the discourse of civicness. I will examine how the production of the “threat” and “civicness” as educational practices of constituting of the self takes place within these regimes.
PL
This article is devoted to the notion of expert rationality, understood as one of the central epistemic regimes of the discourse of the European Union. Expert rationality is instrumenlal to the legitimization of EU directivity and control of centrally designed political, economic, and sociál Solutions for an integrating Europę. From a philological perspective, however, it is worth investigaling how expert rationality tends to be textually realized. Therefore, this article discusses the stylistic properties of the genre of the directive based on Directive 98/79/EC of 27 October 27 1998 on in vitro diagnostic medical devices. The analysis focuses on the identification of such stylistic resources and the strategie applications that underpin the ideology of expert rationality.
7
Content available Autonomy of the family in the modern world
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EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this article is to understand autonomy of the family in the ‘modern’ world by locating the family in the historical changes that led to its present form. The autonomy of the family was shaped in two ways, as collective mentalitiés and as private space. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The present research problem concerns an important inquiry into the private space of the family and the role of the state in shaping and governing the individual by intervening in the family. The paper uses the method of historical inquiry and analysis of reference literature. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After having defined the aim of the study and the fundamental concepts (modernity, autonomy, mentalitiés) there has been presented the psychogenic history of the family in the context of France. This is followed by the presentation of changes in mentalitiés and private space in the family, with a special emphasis on the changing focus on the child in the family. The essential part of the argumentation was also to build the concept of autonomy through the changes in mentalitiés and private space that unfolds in three stages of the psychogenic history of the family. RESEARCH RESULTS: The result of this argumentation is the autonomous space of the family in the modern times, which is impacted by the state and popular culture. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: This analysis confirms the changes of autonomy in the family from the middle, to the modern and across the contemporary times through the conceptions of (i) collective mentalitiés, (ii) private space and sociability and (iii) governmentality. It argues that ever since the turn of the modern, the family has never been autonomous, though in law it appears to be a ‘private space’. Family in the contemporary times is insidiously governed by messages and images that circulate in media. Autonomy of the modern family has always been under threat. The arguments point to the necessity to question and problematize the contemporary conceptions of family and the child as mirrored in the domain of popular culture. 
EN
Corporate social responsibility is becoming more and more popular all over the world. It is promoted by governments and transnational organizations. Nevertheless, since its establishment, it has gained a large group of enemies and still meets with a wave of criticism from different sides, beggining from economists, standing on the position that the purpose of business is only to generate income, through philosophers, who see in CSR a new tool for social enslavement, ending at sociologists, who see an element of corporate management and modern control technology in it. The article presents the most important arguments against corporate social responsibility. It also engages in a polemic against opponents of this concept. However, the starting point is the theory of stakeholders, considered by many as the framework of CSR.
EN
Departing from Michel Foucault’s concept of governmentality, the focus of this article is the introduction of entrepreneurial education in Swedish education policy at the turn of the millennium. We analyze the various meanings attached to the concepts of “entrepreneur” and “entrepreneurship” in education policy documents, as well as the main arguments for introducing entrepreneurial education. In policy documents, the “entrepreneur” is portrayed as being flexible, creative, enterprising and independent, as having the ability to take initiative, solve problems and make decisions. Here, there is an emphasis made on economical utility, and its priority over other values. With an increasing mobilization of entrepreneurship in school, previous pedagogical and educational doctrines - focusing on equality, universalism and redistribution - are challenged. Other visions, stating other educational purposes and goals emerge. In the vision of the entrepreneurial school, it becomes logical and natural to emphasize the value education has for the economic system. In conclusion, entrepreneurial education may be seen as a particular kind of governmentality, connecting students and their subjectivity to the rationality of the market - fostering subjects in line with the imperatives of the “advances liberal society”.
EN
The Czech Republic is experiencing a growing trend of health-care worker emigration. Although some emigrate for long periods of time, many return after a few months or years abroad and re-enter the Czech health system. The nurses’ narratives in this study draw on experiences in Czech, British, and Saudi hospitals to explore the role standardised medical policies, procedures, and protocols play in the development and maintenance of a nurse’s professional identity in the post-socialist context. The author suggests that performance of protocols versus informality of practice in health-care settings provides a lens through which to view professional identity in post-socialism. In fields such as health care, standards operate as measures of security that create normative rules of governmentality, regulate behaviour, and prevent harm. The nurses in this study describe the majority of Czech hospitals as lacking standard protocols for patient care. Encountering strict rules of practice in foreign hospitals leads them to evaluate the professionalism and quality of Czech health care and their own selves as nurses. Their assessment is often based on their own ability to effectively perform within the standardised system. The author’s primary analysis for this presentation will concentrate on the ways that standardisation relates to ideas about professionalism and nursing autonomy and status.
EN
The article deals with the relevance of the work of Foucault to critical analysis of the political concept of lifelong learning that currently dominates. This concept relates to the field of adult education and learning. The article makes reference to the relatively late incorporation of Foucault's work within andragogy. It shows the relevance of Foucault's concept of a subject situated within power relations where the relation between knowledge and power plays a key role. The analysis of changing relations between knowledge and power will help us to understand important features of neoliberal public policies. The motif of human capital is key. The need to continually adapt to the changing economic and social conditions follows on from the neoliberal interpretation of learning, and the individual is to blame for failure on the labour market or in life generally.
EN
This article maps some of the ways in which neoliberalism, pedagogy, and curriculum are closely interconnected. Looking at the Spanish curriculum reform during the first Socialist administration in the late 1980s and early 1990s, it explicitly identifies child-centered pedagogies as an important tool in articulating the neoliberal agenda in curriculum reforms around the world. It explores the way Spain uncritically embraced these curriculum reforms with a notion of the individual not defined by the educational needs of the country but by the neoliberal rationality dominating Spain’s political and economic transition at the time. Based on this analysis and on the way child-centered pedagogies have been implemented in education reforms around the world, this article considers the question of whether such pedagogies can really work toward the democratic ideals they claim to serve. The article concludes by offering some reflections on this question and by calling for a larger and interdisciplinary conversation on the ideological possibilities of these pedagogies.
EN
The subject of our interest is the rhetoric of Makarenko’s readings/interpretations of upbringing designated for parents. We would like to subject it to consideration in the prospect/perspective of Foucault’s governmentality category, understood as a specific metacategory/joint category connecting the axes of power (the Soviet power), knowledge (political economy), and the subject (homo sovieticus). Applying the governmentality category provides for the possibility of attempting to reconstruct traces of tangle/discursive relations and undiscursive elements of the policy of arranging a family which is a component of a broader policy of the Soviet state aimed at “forging” the new Soviet man. In this context, we will recognize Makarenko’s pedagogy as a kind of conceptualization and implementation of the policy of the Soviet state at the family level, having the goal of shaping a man of collective mentality, completely subordinated to the Soviet state, with standardized and ideologized consciousness.
14
Content available remote „Rozvoj“ a moc. Sociologické analýzy moci v „rozvojovej“ spolupráci
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EN
The social sciences offer a variety of theoretical approaches to grasping the issue of power. ‘Development’ represents a good field for such analysis. Power tends to be a neglected issue and does not figure in governmental, non-governmental, or international discourse. In the academic field it is less overlooked, but in the Czech-Slovak environment there is as yet no theoretical overview of the various approaches to studying power and ‘development’. This article sets out to answer the question of how best to examine power in ‘development’ and replies with a multidisciplinary approach. It begins by focusing on the understanding of power within the context of its first dimension, which is most vividly reflected in the perception of the World Bank as a dominant actor. The second part of the article concentrates on power in development discourse. The third part analyses disciplinary power in relations of ‘development’ cooperation. The fourth looks at agency, which disobeys the discourse and structure, in order to recognise the capacity for resistance among even the least advantaged. The final part focuses on governmentality and ‘development’. In the conclusion the author attempts to make a brief synthesis of these approaches, on the one hand viewing power as a kind of strategic situation, but on the other hand arguing the importance not to overlook the enormous power of structure just as much as the capacity of certain privileged actors to influence it. What is important then is a subjectivity of power.
EN
This paper understands the basic elements of neoliberalism in education and governmentality to be the technologies for the neoliberal government of education. It outlines Foucault's methodology for analysing governmentality and shows how neoliberalism is a discursive formation which homogenises apparently unrelated language games and discourses. It places particular emphasis on the rhizomatic dispersion of neoliberal discursive and non-discursive practices, which in the end create a mosaic of thinking and acting with its own existing internal logic. This paper provides a cross-sectional perspective on how neoliberalism has implanted itself as a universal phenomenon along the horizontal and vertical lines of the education sphere and shows how, particularly through the policy of lifelong learning for a knowledge society, it is transforming first of all the education of adults and how subsequently it has become a fundamental blueprint for the complex revision of higher education and regional schooling, including pre-school education. This paper prefaces this single-issue edition of the Journal of Pedagogy and therefore presents and summarises the articles published in this issue, and suggests how they are thematic examples of a single and more general theoretical framework.
PL
W niniejszym tekście przyglądam się dostrzeżonemu przez Michela Foucaulta przeciwieństwu między teologicznymi obszarami władzy pastoralnej oraz mistycznej, by wskazać na nacisk, jaki filozof kładł na konieczność i opatrzność jako pojęcia założycielskie   i legitymizujące Państwo. Dzięki temu rozwijam analizę tego, jak Foucault, krytykując historyczne wykorzystania teologii w roli narzędzia władzy pastoralnej, faktycznie wskazuje na rodzaj teologii politycznej odmiennej od tej stworzonej przez Carla Schmitta. Twierdzę, że zaczynamy zauważać odmienny „typ” teologii politycznej w pismach Giorgia Agambena, który podąża za tradycjami chrześcijańskimi znacznie bardziej niż Foucault. Moim zdaniem przeformułowanie teologii politycznej w dziele Agambena ma kolosalne znaczenie dla całego pola badawczego jako całości i pilnie domaga się dalszego opracowania, na co niniejszy esej zaledwie wskazuje.
EN
In this essay, I examine Michel Foucault’s political contrast between the theological domains of the pastoral and the mystical, in order to note his focus on how necessity and providence are founding and legitimizing concepts of the State. Through this process I develop an analysis of how Foucault, in his critique of the historical uses of theology as a tool of pastoral power, actually points toward another form of political theology than Carl Schmitt’s. My contention is that we begin to see another “type” of political theology appear in the writings of Giorgio Agamben, who follows Christian traditions much more closely than Foucault. The re-formulation of political theology within Agamben’s work, I argue, has tremendous significance for the field as a whole and is much in need of further elaboration, a task toward which this essay only points.
EN
My analysis develops via the following five conceptual steps. The first step links up with Foucault's analysis of techniques of ‘soft’ discipline, which relates to ‘classical’ reform pedagogy, in the transition period from the 19th to the 20th century. The second step thematises the shifts in these disciplinary techniques in the context of the crisis of the so-called ‘environments of enclosure’. Here there is a particular focus on Deleuze's arguments concerning the emergence of a modern ‘society of control’. The third step considers the specific form of the ‘government of the social’, which Foucault approaches with the concept of ‘governmentality’. The fourth step aims to show that the current educational reforms can be understood as a ‘governmental strategy’. The fifth step, finally, thematises the inconsistency of governmental practices. It pursues the possibility that such practices advance, en passant or contrary to their aims, their own contradiction: the preparedness and capacity for critical opposition.
EN
The oppression of single mothers generally takes specific forms in neoliberal society, because the traditional pressure associated with the female caring role is accompanied by oppression derived from their dependence on the welfare system. Social work can play an important role in this oppression because, as one of the ‘psy’ professions, it becomes a tool of surveillance of fulfilment of the female caring role and aims to discourage women from dependency on welfare system at the same time. The aim of the article is to reflect the risk of oppression of single mothers from the Czech social work in the context of the cultural policy of the neoliberal state. The surveillance technologies used by social workers were sought through the analysis of Michel Foucault’s work. It was found that the promotion of idea of human as homo oeconomicus plays a role in assessment process and in choosing the method of intervention. Other significant surveillance techniques may be the illusion of the neutral knowledge of the profession, the duty of confession and the gatekeeping.
EN
In last few years collecting personal data by internet is largely discussed social problem. This internet surveillance is carried out by public or commercial organizations. In contrast to older, panoptic type of surveillance the new, digital one does not have to be carried out covertly. Surveilled persons know about surveillance, do not fear of it, and want to be surveilled. I conducted research about internet surveillance in 2017 and 2019. It has shown users’ tendency to reveal great amount of information about themselves. Their level of fear of surveillance is getting smaller, and their level of hope of some favors from surveillance increases. The fact of being surveilled in some fashion make users feel better. The research conclusion is that internet users accept surveillance but they expect some benefits in exchange for their data which is profitable for surveillers.
PL
W ostatnich latach w debacie publicznej poświęca się wiele uwagi kwestiom związanym z wykorzystywaniem internetu w celu zbierania danych różnych osób, co można nazwać internetową inwigilacją lub nadzorem. Nadzór ten może być prowadzony w różnych celach przez różne podmioty prywatne i publiczne. W odróżnieniu od dawnego panoptycznego modelu nadzoru, jednostki obecnie same chętnie poddają się obserwacji. Badania dotyczące postaw związanych z internetową inwigilacją przeprowadzono w 2017 i w 2019 roku. Ujawniły one dość dużą skłonność badanych do poddawania się obserwacji, zmniejszający się poziom związanego z nią lęku i zwiększający się poziom nadziei na pewne korzyści, a także wiedzy na temat internetowej inwigilacji. Fakt jej istnienia w pewien sposób dowartościowuje też znaczną część respondentów. Nasuwają się wnioski, iż użytkownicy akceptują internetowy nadzór, chętnie mu się poddają, ale i oczekują jakiejś rekompensaty w zamian za ujawniane przez siebie informacje, ponieważ wiedzą, że stanowią one źródło zysku nadzorujących.
EN
Public schools deploy a range of processes and practices that help constitute the formation and legitimation of certain knowledges, relationships, skills, values and, ultimately, subjectivities. School discipline regimes are one of these practices. Exercising their power through pedagogical modes of address, these regimes are currently organizing relationships throughout school cultures that reflect the values and encourage role performances associated with neoliberal capitalism. This research paper describes and analyzes two widely used discipline regimes-zero tolerance/hyper-criminalization and positive behavior interventions and support (PBIS) -through Foucault’s theories of governmentality and biopolitics. These two regimes provide mirror images of the primary modes of punishing and disciplining under neoliberalism: criminalization and individualization. The paper will also explore how neoliberalism subjects schools to processes of enclosure, but also how schools themselves have become sites productive of neoliberal subjects through the content, values and interests embedded in the curricula of PBIS and criminalization which students must master.
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