Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Republika Włoska: wyrok Sądu Konstytucyjnego Republiki Włoskiej z 25 stycznia 2017 r. w sprawie italicum, sygn. 48b/2015

100%

Rulka M.

|

nr 1(144)

239–250

EN

On 6 May 2015, the Act No. 52 was passed. It introduced important changes in the method of electing the composition of the Italian Chamber of Deputies. The most important of them consisted in a change in the construction of the majority bonus, as it was not enough to obtain the largest number of votes to receive extra seats. An additional requirement was imposed according to which bonus seats will be granted only to a grouping which reaches at least 40% of valid votes. In the judgment of 25 January 2017 (Ref. No. 48b/2015) the Constitutional Court of the Italian Republic found the unconstitutionality of the majority bonus. One of the main objections of the Court was to seek the authors of the challenged legal regulation to create each time a parliamentary majority capable of forming a stable government, at the expense of a high imbalance in the fi nal allocation of seats in the Chamber of Deputies, which violates Article 48 para. 2 of the Constitution of the Italian Republic

2

Consequences of the Electoral System in Polish Municipalities – Pathologies and Abuses

100%

Wasil J. , Kuć-Czajkowska K. A. , Sidor M.

|

tom 3 (47)

477-490

EN

Pathologies and abuses accompany elections and are connected with the electoral system both in its narrow and broad sense. Moreover, they stem from a human nature and a degree of democratic principles consolidation. Cohabitation is conditioned by the electoral system and, in the case of the proportional allocation of seats, it arises more often than in the majority system with single member constituencies. The phenomenon itself is not always pathological. However, such an adverse situation develops when it comes to clashes, neither substantive nor creative, between the municipal bodies and, in consequence, the interests of the local community are jeopardised. Elections at the municipal level are also accompanied by other pathologies and abuses including: coercing votes when voting by proxy, adding voters to an electoral roll, bringing residents to a polling place, paying for one’s votes, preying on the naïvety of voters which can take grotesque forms or brutalising an election campaign caused by the mediatisation of local policy. The above-mentioned phenomena were examined and presented in the paper based on the analysis of statistical data, articles from the local press and, most essentially for the discussed subject, a rich material collected thanks to the in-depth interviews conducted by the authors.

3

CZY ISTNIAŁA INSTYTUCJA OPOZYCJI POLITYCZNEJ W DEMOKRACJI BEZPOŚREDNIEJ? (ANALIZA DEMOKRACJI ATEŃSKIEJ I REPUBLIKI RZYMSKIEJ)

100%

Nieć M.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2016

|

nr 1(14)

38-46 (9)

EN

The article, based on works Ancient historian and Classicists, presents direct democracy in the Ancient World. The author is looking for an example institution of oppositions in con-temporary political system, especially the electoral system. In his opinion, the institution of oppositions was hidden within the electoral systems of Athens and Rome.

4

Equal or Not? On the Material Aspect of Equality of European Parliament Elections in Poland

100%

Glajcar R.

Political Preferences

|

2014

|

nr 9

193-217

EN

This article focuses on the issue of equality of elections, in the context of the 2014 European Parliament election in Poland. Most often the definition of principles of elections’ equality comes down to emphasizing its two aspects: the formal one and the material one. The first of them refers to guaranteeing each person with the active voting right the same number of votes. The material aspect of the equality principle is connected with striving to guarantee the same “voting power” to the election participants. Most briefly, it means that a given number of people elect as many representatives as another group with the same numerical strength. The main aim of this article is focus on the material aspect of implementing the principle of equality in EP elections. In the article will be emphasized three issues decisive for the specific features of the electoral system (electoral districts, election threshold and electoral formula), at the same time influencing the range of implementation of the material equality of elections. General findings will be confronted with empirical data, which will allow to formulate conclusions about the degree to which the European Parliament election conducted in Poland on 25th May 2014 met the principle of material equality.

5

Perspektywy wprowadzenia mieszanego systemu wyborczego w wyborach do Sejmu RP

100%

Wróblewski B. , Rulka M.

|

nr 3(79)

9-30

EN

The paper presents the mixed electoral system and its models, and analyses their applicability in the elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The authors focus on the German personalised proportional system and the proposal for an electoral system based on this system constructed by Jarosław Flis. The analysis concerns not only the legal aspect but also the political and social consequences. The presented experiences of various countries show that the reaction of political parties and voters to a new electoral system can be surprising and the political consequences unpredictable.

6

Proportional electoral methods and their consequences

100%

Rulka M.

|

nr 2(184)

135-137

EN

Electoral method is mathematical mode of translating votes on mandates. Electoral method, together with constituencies and electoral thresholds is one of the element of proportional electoral system. In the surveys of proportional system majority of doctrine assume, that deciding influence on electoral outcomes has magnitude and structure of constituencies and amount of electoral thresholds, while electoral method comparing with aforementioned elements has usually minor meaning. Consequences of choosing electoral method can be however very crucial, sometimes becoming even the most important factor deciding which political parties takes power after elections. This fact create tribute to contemplations on mathematical apparatus and consequences of their applying. In doctrine are proposing different proportional methods. One of the best esteem expert of electoral systems Arend Lijphard, consider that proportional methods should be divided on simple transferable vote system, in which voter vote on individual candidates marking his preferences and party list system, which consist of divisor and quota method. In the article was presenting mathematical and political implication of using particular electoral methods. Author points out that contemporary divisor methods are using commonly than quota methods. It’s ensue mainly form it’s simplicity, endurance on antinomies and easiness in tinkering. Large part of consideration regarded to instrumentalization of electoral methods.

7

Proporcionalita, integrační účinek a legitimita volebního systému do Poslanecké sněmovny: simulační studie dopadů D’Hondtova dělitele, Imperialiho kvóty a Hareovy kvóty

88%

Horák F. , Antoš M. , Sklenář D. , Lacko D.

|

2024

|

tom 60

|

nr 2

127-155

EN

Although the change in the electoral system used in elections to the Chamber of Deputies has attracted the attention of lawyers, political scientists, and sociologists, we still lack a comprehensive comparative analysis of the new system with the original one or other alternatives. The main reason for this is the lack of empirical data. This article overcomes this problem using a simulation of electoral results that correspond to the real Czech election environment. On the basis of this simulated dataset it is possible to generate generalisable conclusions about the proportionality, integration effect, and legitimacy of three electoral formulas: the original D’Hondt divisor, the newly adopted Imperiali quota, and the Hare quota. Our results show that the Hare quota is clearly the best choice. Its advantages in proportionality significantly outweigh its disadvantages in integrative effect. Moreover, this formula sees the least disruption to the logical sequence of results, i.e. where a party with fewer votes gets more seats, a phenomenon that is undesirable and undermines the legitimacy of elections. We are convinced that among the three formulas compared the Hare quota is the one that best fits the constitutional requirements of the electoral system as interpreted by the Constitutional Court, and that - unless the legislature is planning to change other parameters of the electoral system - it is the one that should be implemented.

8

Consequences of changing the electoral system for the model of political competition – The case of the 2018 elections to municipal councils in Łódź Voivodeship

88%

Onasz M. , Klonowski M. , Włodarska-Frykowska A.

|

tom 10

55-72

EN

The article is an attempt to assess the effects of the 2018 reform of local electoral law on a medium scale. The main goal is to investigate the consequences of these changes for the model of political rivalry. Through the use of a selection of quantitative methods, the authors verify hypotheses regarding the proportionality of local elections and the mechanical effect of the electoral system. The overall aim is to establish to what extent the new electoral system deforms the voting results when distributing seats among the electoral committees. Apart from the hypotheses, the authors also verify whether Łódź Voivodeship is a suitable case study and representative of national trends.

9

The relationship between position on an electoral list and chances of winning a seat in a representative body; experiences from the 2015 Sejm election in Poland

88%

Rachwał M.

|

nr 3

135-144

EN

This paper examines the relationship between the candidate’s position on an electoral list and the feasibility of winning a seat in the Sejm (the lower chamber of the Polish parliament). This research hypothesizes that winning a seat strongly depends on the candidate having a top position on the electoral list. This hypothesis is verified vis-à-vis the results of the 2015 election to the Sejm. The study confirmed the initial assumption, since it was found that nearly 82% of the seats were taken by the candidates from the so-called “seat-winning places,” namely the top places on the lists of candidates (the number of these places equals the number of seats taken by a given party in a given constituency).

10

Parlament w nowozelandzkim ustroju politycznym przed i po zmianie systemu wyborczego w 1993 roku

88%

Eska-Mikołajewska J.

|

nr 2(145)

9–34

EN

The formation of the political and legal system of New Zealand was particularly infl uenced by the British constitutional practice. As the years passed, the state has departed from certain assumptions of the Westminster model, also adopting elements of other government concepts and politics. In the process of adaptation of the New Zealand political system to the changing political and legal conditions, the parliament primarily evolved. Since its establishment to the present, its structure, composition and functions have been fundamentally transformed. With the abolition of the parliamentary chamber in 1950, the existent bicameral model was transformed into a unicameral one. So far the most radical constitutional change in New Zealand has been so the introduction of a mixed electoral system in 1993. This resulted in the adoption of a completely different way of creating a legislative body; in consequence, innovative means of appointing the government and exercising the oversight function by the parliament emerged.

11

Instytucjonalne uwarunkowania procedury zmiany granic okręgów wyborczych w Stanach Zjednoczonych

75%

Pierzgalski M. , Stępień P.

|

tom XXII

7-29

PL

Kształt i rozmiar okręgów wyborczych są zmiennymi mogącymi istotnie oddziaływać na wyniki wyborów. Z tego powodu, istotne znaczenie w objaśnianiu konsekwencji działania systemu wyborczego ma analiza procedur zmiany/tworzenia granic okręgów wyborczych. Celem artykułu jest analiza instytucjonalnych uwarunkowań tzw. redistrictingu, czyli procesu zmiany granic okręgów wyborczych w kilku wybranych amerykańskich stanach. W artykule odpowiadamy m.in. na następujące pytania: Jakie podstawowe procedury tworzenia okręgów wyborczych można zidentyfikować w USA? Jakie reguły tworzenia struktury okręgów wyborczych mają szczególne znaczenie z punktu widzenia ochrony przed gerrymanderingiem i malapportionmentem? Jakie podobieństwa (różnice) występują między modelami redistrictingu w Polsce i w USA?

EN

The shape and the magnitude of electoral districts may have a significant influence on the election results. Therefore, this is important to take the problem of districting/redistricting into account when studying the consequences of electoral systems. Our aim is to examine institutional determinants of redistricting in a few selected U.S. states. In this paper, we seek to find answers to the following questions: What are the legal requirements for districting/redistricting in U.S. states? Which legal rules of redistricting help to prevent gerrymandering and malappor - tionment? What similarities (differences) exist between models of districting/redistricting in Poland and in the USA?

12

System wyborczy do dwuizbowego Sejmu w świetle inicjatyw prawodawczych Rady Stanu Królestwa Polskiego (czerwiec–wrzesień 1918 r.)

75%

Kacperski K.

|

nr 5(142)

33–58

EN

Legislative work carried out from 27 June to 5 September 1918 by the Council of State and the Sejm Committee constituted another step in the process of creating an electoral system for the Sejm on the territories of the Kingdom of Poland occupied by Germany and Austria-Hungary during the First World War. In the course of the legislative procedure aimed at fi nding a comprehensive settlement of this problem, the councilors considered both procedural and substantive issues. Nevertheless, the actions taken by them in relation to this aspect of the reform of the system of government, despite the demonstrated commitment of the Polish state reviving under the auspices of the Central Powers, were not crowned with the passage of a parliamentary electoral law. This was the consequence of the position taken by the Regency Council whose members, in the face of rapidly growing international developments in the autumn of 1918, wanted to concentrate power in the Kingdom of Poland in their hands and fi rst suspended the debates of that body and, then, dissolved it on 7 October.

13

Uwarunkowania polityczno-prawne reprezentacji kobiet w parlamentach

75%

Sokół W. , Kużelewska E.

|

2023

|

nr 2(175)

71-95

EN

According to comparative studies, the level of women’s participation in parliaments of individual countries is constantly growing. It was undoubtedly influenced by social and cultural conditions as well as institutional factors, such as various variants of gender quotas. Electoral systems and their constituent elements (electoral formulas, constituencies, voting structure) continue to influence women’s electoral success. Proportional electoral systems are still more favourable to women than majority systems. Empirical studies have confirmed that women have also a better chance to be elected when competing in large constituencies and closed party list systems. Linking women’s electoral quotas to the above elements of electoral systems definitely influences the representativeness of parliaments and the participation of women in them.

14

Wybrane aspekty politycznych konsekwencji zmian systemu wyborczego. Studium przypadku wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego w Polsce 25 maja 2014 roku

75%

Gruca P. W.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2015

|

tom 19

49 - 65

EN

This article aims at showing political consequences of the Polish electoral system as far as the European Parliament elections are concerned. It contains the analysis of 2014 (25.05.2014) elections together with simulations of other division possibilities – depending on detailed law regulations. Such an election scheme contributes to an unpredictable election results while taking into account the distribution of seats in the European Parliament.

15

Zmiana systemu partyjnego jako kategoria badań politologicznych

63%

Myshlyayev T.

|

nr 6

9-26

PL

Artykuł traktuje o kategorii zmiany systemu partyjnego we współczesnej politologii. Celem pracy jest ustalenie istoty procesu zmian systemu partyjnego i jego roli w warunkach transformacji politycznej. Określono specyfikę zmian różnych rodzajów systemów partyjnych. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na wpływ czynnika podziałów socjopolitycznych na proces kształtowania się systemu partyjnego. Starano się zbadać, w jakim przypadku ma się do czynienia ze zmianą systemu partyjnego a w jakim nie. Podkreślono, że system partyjny kładzie nacisk na partie jako główne elementy składowe, a ewolucja systemu partyjnego jest funkcją zmian, które zachodzą w samych partiach.

EN

Article is devoted to the study of the concept of party system change in the contemporary political science. The aim of the paper is to determine the essence of the party system change and its role in the process of political transformation. The article deals with the specifics of changes in different party systems. A lot of attention is devoted to the influence the socio-political divisions have on the formation of a party system. The author presents the cases when the actual change in the party system has taken place and where it has not. It is stressed that parties are the main components of the party system, and the evolution of the party system is a function of the changes that occur in the parties.

16

System wyborczy do niższej izby parlamentu i jego wpływ na system partyjny – przypadek Polski i Wielkiej Brytanii

63%

Kazuła A.

|

tom tom XVIII

33-50

PL

Od pierwszych wolnych wyborów w powojennej Polsce w debacie publicznej powraca temat konieczności zmiany sposobu transferowania głosów na mandaty. Zwolennicy większościowych systemów wyborczych postulują konieczność wprowadzenia odpowiedzialności poli-tyków przed wyborcą oraz konieczności wyłonienia stabilnej większości w akcie głosowania. Natomiast dla zwolenników proporcjonalnych systemów wyborczych wynik wyborów, jak naj-bardziej odzwierciadlający poparcie udzielone w wyborach jest wartością najważniejszą. Chęć znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy system większościowy jest gwarantem wyłonienia sta-bilnego, jednopartyjnego rządu oraz czy jedynie system proporcjonalny może zapewnić większej części społeczeństwa przedstawicieli w parlamencie skłoniła autorkę do zbadania wpływu systemów wyborczych (proporcjonalnego w Polsce i większościowego w Wielkiej Brytanii) na kształt systemu partyjnego. Do zbadania wspomnianego wpływu wykorzystane zostały metody ilościowe.

EN

Before every election since 1989 in Polish public debate, the problem of changing the electoral system has reappeared. The supporters of majority electoral systems say that there is a need to make politicians responsible for their actions. Their second argument is that the majority electoral system is the only way to create a stable government. Their opponents claim that there is nothing more important than the will of society, which means that the distribution of seats between parties should be proportional to the number of votes they gained. In order to answer the question which electoral system is better, first we need to find out if the majority electoral system is the only way to choose a stable government. Is it true that only the pro-portional electoral system allows the greater part of society to be represented? What is more important? The intention of answering the aforementioned questions is the aim of this article. To examine the influence of the electoral system on the party system quantitative methods have been used.

17

Wybory parlamentarne i prezydenckie na Węgrzech - aspekty prawne

63%

Gapski M. P.

|

nr 1

231-243

EN

In Hungary, between the 80s and 90s, as in majority of Middle-East European countries, democratic changes of political system took place. They resulted in, inter alia , reforms of electoral system shaped on the German-like pattern. In the presented article the author analyses Hungarian election law, revealing regulations adopted in the Constitution and in the Act on the election relating to general and direct parliamentary elections as well as indirect presidential elections. Discussing the mode of single-house Hungarian parliament electing, it was described in details abiding mixed-member electoral system that combines majority and proportional system elements. Apart from deliberations on electoral law, a short presentation of the Parliament’s role in the system and its competences is also given. In a further part of the analysis, attention was also drawn to the President’s status within the political system. A precise review of all presidential rights and obligations was carried out as well as mode of choosing the president by the Parliament was followed. In the concluding section, the author summarized deliberations on Hungarian electoral law. By criticizing the complexity of that system he proved that despite its complexity it plays its role properly and vastly contributes to the stability of Hungarian democracy.

18

Ewolucja wybranych elementów systemu politycznego Pierwszej i Drugiej Republiki Litewskiej

63%

Malużinas M.

|

2023

|

tom 77

164-189

PL

Korzenie litewskiego systemu politycznego poprzedzają o kilka dekad powstanie nowoczesnego państwa litewskiego w 1918 r. Przez ponad sto lat przed uzyskaniem niepodległości Litwa była zintegrowaną częścią imperium carskiej Rosji, a w latach 1940–1991 republiką związkową ZSRR. Po ponownym odzyskaniu niepodległości w 1991 r., kształtując nowy system polityczny, litewskie elity polityczne postanowiły nawiązać do wzorców systemowych i instytucjonalnych z krótkiego okresu funkcjonowania demokratycznych rządów w I Republice Litewskiej. Celem pracy jest analiza ewolucji systemu politycznego Litwy i poszczególnych elementów wpływających na jego przemiany w latach 1920–1926 i 1990–2020. Przeprowadzona analiza umożliwiła wykazanie podobieństw i różnic w poszczególnych okresach ewolucji demokracji, co było niezwykle pomocne przy wskazywaniu kierunków rozwoju systemów politycznych i ich poszczególnych elementów.

EN

The roots of the Lithuanian political system precede the emergence of the modern Lithuanian state in 1918 by several decades. For over a hundred years before independence, Lithuania was an integrated part of the imperial tsarist Russia, and in 1940–1991, a union republic of the USSR. After regaining independence in 1991, while shaping the new political system, the Lithuanian political elite decided to refer to the systemic and institutional patterns from the short period of the functioning of democratic governments in the First Republic of Lithuania. The aim of the study is to analyze the evolution of the Lithuanian political system and the individual elements influencing its changes in the years 1920–1926 and 1990–2020. As a result, it was possible to demonstrate the similarities and differences in particular periods of the evolution of democracy, which was extremely helpful in indicating the directions of development of political systems and their individual elements.

19

Інституційні чинники пропорційності парламентського представництва українських політичних партій

63%

Чабанна М.

|

tom 6

238-249

EN

In political science the assessment of institutional development is an important criterion for determining the level of democratic governance. Therefore, the role of formal political institutions is significant for the functioning of the political system. It concerns the functioning of the executive, legislative, judiciary, and has expression in the mechanisms of mediation between public authorities and citizens. In the article the participation of political parties as such mediators is shown. Political parties, in this context, perform the numbers of functions in order to promote the principle of political representation through elections and parliamentarism. Therefore, political elections aimed at the expression of public opinion may apply as a tool for representative government. Thus, democratic elections and the formation of the parliament can be evaluated according to the criteria of transparency and proportionality of political representation. The implementation of these principles in a democratic political system depends on several factors related to the type of electoral system and those political institutions that affect the electoral process. For instance the representation of political parties in elected bodies depends on the threshold for parties or blocks (in the case of a proportional system), voter turnout and the method of determining electoral quota; as well the number of political parties participating in the elections; and the rights of voters to vote «against all». The article examines the impact of the electoral system on proportionate representation of political parties in parliament during the elections to the Ukrainian parliament (2002-2014). As for the constitutional amendments and electoral legislation in 2004-2014 years, we focus on the type of electoral system, the methods for calculating the electoral quota, threshold for political parties, the number of political parties-participants of the election process, as well as indicators of voter turnout. In order to analyse the proportionality of parliamentary representation of political parties we consider the indices of disproportionality. Overall, the disproportionate representation of political party as a phenomenon is caused by the existence of threshold (in the case of a proportional electoral system) and single-member constituencies (in the case of the majority electoral system). The level of proportional parliamentary representation of political parties in Ukraine is moderate. At the same time, the downward trend of proportional representation is obvious. This is due to the increase in unrepresented voters who vote for political parties that do not win seats. In this regard, we can state that a high threshold helps large parties in the election competition. However, as a result, the disproportionate representation of political parties may rise because of the high percentage of voters whose interests are not represented in parliament. In other words, the essential electoral support for non-influential parties, their overall percentage and dispersion of voters who support political parties that do not pass in parliament, is a factor of disproportionate representation. That is, the level of proportionate representation refers to the total number of political parties that compete in elections.

20

Jak wybierać rady średnich i dużych miast?

63%

Alberski R.

|

nr 4

17-31

EN

In Poland between years 1990–2014, there have been seven elections, in which town and city councils were elected. Main goal of the article is to show the evolution of the municipal elections and their consequences. Also propositions for changes to the election system are provided with the simulations on what political effect they will have. In the article, some exemplary calculations are presented, which show the influence of many elements of the election system on the votes results.

PL

W latach 1990–2014 odbyło się w Polsce siedem elekcji, podczas których wybierano także rady dużych i średnich miast. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie ewolucji systemu wyborczego na tym szczeblu samorządu. Omówione zostały konsekwencje wprowadzonych rozwiązań i propozycje zmian w systemie wyborczym. W artykule przedstawiono przykładowe wyliczenia, które pokazują wpływ różnych elementów systemu wyborczego na wyniki rywalizacji w wyborach do rad miejskich. Zaprezentowano także symulacje, które przedstawiają polityczne konsekwencje proponowanych reform systemu wyborczego do rad średnich i dużych miast.