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nr 1
215-225
EN
Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie argues in her 2009 collection of short stories that in as much as brutal dictatorship together with extreme underdevelopment propel young Nigerians for immigration, inaccurate and often scandalizing media portrayal also has nonetheless an important share in the sad drama. Her drama proposes way of circumventing cultural reification caused by inaccurate media representation.
EN
Twentieth‑century Venezuela has characteristics that make it different in terms of the ways of conducting politics in the traditional way. Political parties of the twentieth century inaugurated a new political period. One reason for this may be found in the long dictatorship of General Gómez which lasted for more than three decades and which obliterated all vestiges of nineteenth century politics to the point that students will be called to establish innovative proposals. The mode of policy‑making shows a difference in style between the military and non‑military along with irreconcilable difference in the perception of democracy which they showed. One mentoring system will come increasingly into a conflict with another, in which there is an attempt to make the citizens bear republican responsibilities in order to feed a state that at times runs the risk of collapse due to the unmet requirements of the people, together with other requirements of the time.
EN
The Mirabal sisters opposed the regime of Rafael Trujillo, a notorious Dominican dictator who terrorized the nation for almost 30 years. Their brutal deaths on the dictator’s order served as a catalyst for change. The sisters became heroines and martyrs in the fight against Trujillo’s repressive regime, and symbols of both popular and feminist resistance. Julia Alvarez’s novel tells the Mirabal story and describes their legacy. The aim of the paper is to demonstrate how In the Time of the Butterflies gives access to Dominican history, and how literature creates a voice for victims of political violence and terror.
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nr 3
69-84
EN
The purpose of this paper is to define the role of mass media in shaping the image of a terrorist organization on the example of the terrorist bomb attacks carried out on March 22, 2016 in Belgium. The author analyses with particular attention the media with regard to their function of priming and framing in the period immediately following the acts of terror effected in Belgium that have a significant influence on the media image of the terrorist organization Islamic State. The research material is composed of Polish journals “Rzeczpospolita” and “Gazeta Wyborcza” (22.03–8.04.2016). Considering progressive process of mediatization of the public sphere, the author of the paper tries to identify the relationship that exists between the evolution of the image of ISIS and press information.
5
Content available Muammar Kadafi – wizjoner, dyktator, dziwak
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nr 1(13)
181-191
EN
Muammar Gaddafi for over 40 years ruled Libya. With money from the sale of crude oil, he managed the desert and sparsely populated country into one of the richest countries in Africa. However, the West accused him of a brutal fight with the opposition, unjust detention and inhumane treatment of people in Libyan prisons. At the beginning of this year is the anniversary of the outbreak of “Arab Spring”. Muammar Gaddafi will always remain identified with these events. The aim of this text is to show the key events in the life of the Libyan dictator, Libya and the impact of his death on this country and the African continent.
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nr 1
259-272
EN
One of the recurring motifs in Herta Müllerʼs work is the experience of the city, which often becomes a space of threat, violence, uncertainty, and finally repression and death. The German Nobel Prize laureate describes urban spaces, where the fate of the city is intertwined with the fate of the protagonists, depicting a world of people who are downtrodden, lost, defeated, and yet not without hope. This article discusses selected works by Herta Müller, in which the multidimensional image of the city opens up new fields for reflection and allows us to gain insight into how a totalitarian state functions. The cities the author describes are reflective of all Romanian cities under the dictatorship of Nicolae Ceaușescu; they are places of depravity and terror. This article also explores the aesthetics of ugliness which affects the understanding of the role of cities in Herta Müllerʼs prose, and analyzes important urban symbols such as asphalt, apartment blocks, parks and the flora and fauna characteristic of communist cities. In many of Müllerʼs texts, cities form a dramatic backdrop for acts of violence and repression against ‘the Stranger’ – for instance, the German minority,the Roma community, and women. Thus, the experience of an individual becomes the experience of the whole community, which makes Herta Müllerʼs work enduringly relevant.
7
Content available Demokracja vs autokracje we współczesnym świecie
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nr 1
177-180
EN
A voice in the discussion that took place in the panel "Democracy vs. dictatorship in the context of Russia's war against Ukraine" organized by the UMCS Center for Eastern Europe as part of the International Scientific Conference "Democracy in the process of change on January 13, 2023." at the Faculty of Political Science and Journalism of Maria Curie-Skłodowska University.
PL
Głos w dyskusji, która odbyła się w panelu „Demokracja vs dyktatura w kontekście wojny Rosji przeciwko Ukrainie” organizowanej przez Centrum Europy Wschodniej UMCS w ramach Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowej „Demokracja w procesie przemian w dniu 13 stycznia 2023 r.” na Wydziale Politologii i Dziennikarstwa UMCS.
8
Content available remote Against dechoukaj: the trauma of Haiti in Edwidge Danticat’s The Dew Breaker
75%
EN
Diaspora writers add to a long American literary tradition of engaging with political issues, a rich body of literature focused on themes of occupation, persecution, dictatorship, repression and trauma. This paper focuses on a political protest in the form of personal narrative of Haitians whose forgotten or ignored stories were reinscribed by Haitian-American author Edwidge Danticat in The Dew Breaker (2004). The paper examines the representation of Haiti’s history and the collective experience of violence and trauma during the Duvaliers’ dictatorship, and revisits the terror instilled by a paramilitary police – the Tonton Macoutes. In The Dew Breaker Danticat offers a compelling portrait of individuals haunted by pain, trauma and loss. Their stories function as a testimony of the generations of Haitians who experienced abuses and atrocities committed during the era of “Papa Doc” and “Baby Doc”. The book presents the effects of trauma on the individuals and the community, shows what is destroyed by trauma and offers solutions to deal with the traumatic experience. The aim of the paper is to analyze how The Dew Breaker gives a unique access to Haitian history, how it deals with its legacy of violence, how the subaltern articulate their traumas and how literature creates a voice for victims of political violence and psychological terror.
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nr 1
185-190
PL
Głos w dyskusji która odbyła się w panelu „Demokracja vs dyktatura w kontekście wojny Rosji przeciwko Ukrainie” organizowanej przez Centrum Europy Wschodniej UMCS w ramach Międzynarodowej Konferencji Naukowej „Demokracja w procesie przemian w dniu 13 stycznia 2023 r.” na Wydziale Politologii i Dziennikarstwa UMCS.
EN
A voice in the discussion that took place in the panel "Democracy vs. dictatorship in the context of Russia's war against Ukraine" organized by the UMCS Center for Eastern Europe as part of the International Scientific Conference "Democracy in the process of change on January 13, 2023." at the Faculty of Political Science and Journalism of Maria Curie-Skłodowska University.
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tom 13
27-53
PL
Antanas Smetona was the father of Lithuania’s independence, a journalist, lawyer, politician, but also Lithuania’s dictator. He is considered an architect of the country’s authoritarian and fascist regime and at the same time was a fugitive who fled the country at a decisive moment. Due to the lack of scientific publications in Polish scientific discourse, my aim is to present oppositional actions of Lithuania’s first president (during the years 1920–1926) as well as to explore new aspects of his political thought/ideology.
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tom 30
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nr 1 (115)
95-110
EN
The article discusses foundations of Rafael Trujillo regime in the Dominican Republic as well as the dictator’s policy that guaranteed the long-term dictatorship. It is a study of Trujillo’s policies that secured a social support, especially the regime’s policy of social and economic modernization. A study of social basis of the dictatorship and the scope of its control of the state and the society leads to a conclusion that Trujillo dictatorship had totalitarian nature. A full totalitarian model of the state in the Dominican Republic would have been possible only if a higher stage of economic development had been achieved and social structure changed. Partial modernization and “total” character of the dictatorship guaranteed stable rule of the Trujillo regime for three decades. The potential of revolutionary movement that influenced U.S. decision to support the overthrow of Trujillo is also debated.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje zagadnienie podstaw reżimu Rafaela Trujillo w Dominikanie oraz polityki, która zapewniała długie trwanie dyktaturze. Przedmiotem rozważań są działania Trujillo, które zapewniły mu poparcie społeczne, w szczególności charakter prowadzonej przez reżim modernizacji społeczno-gospodarczej. Analiza społecznych podstaw dyktatury oraz za-kresu jej kontroli nad państwem i społeczeństwem prowadzi do wniosku o wyraźnie totalitar-nym charakterze dyktatury. Warunkiem ukształtowania przez reżim Trujillo w pełni totalitar-nego modelu państwa było osiągnięcie wyższego poziomu rozwoju gospodarczego i zmiana struktury społecznej. Umiarkowana modernizacja oraz „totalny” charakter dyktatury zapewniły stabilne rządy Trujillo przez trzy dekady. W tym kontekście analizowany jest potencjał ruchu rewolucyjnego, który skłonił USA do poparcia zamachu na dyktatora.
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tom 27
221-233
EN
The aim of the article is a rereading of the falconry motif in Roberto Bolaño’s novel Nocturno de Chile, based on an analysis of the critical reception existing so far. The study combines the traditional methods of narratology with a close-reading-orientated approach on the textual, narrative and intertextual level. As a result, the formal aspect of the novel, based on the techniques of incongruity and indetermination, is seen as a narrative tool to discredit the fallacies of the narrator’s monologue. By positioning the allegoric and symbolic readings of the motif in the context of the narrative technique, it seems that the main focus of the novel is a deconstruction of the testimonial mode of enunciation and, as a consequence, a critical revaluation of the actual debate on the history and memory in Chile and Latin America.
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nr 3
55-68
EN
Presented topic includes following issues: 1) hidden dictatorship of the attitudes of ‘nasty people’ (‘diminishers’) and its influence on social relations; 2) strategies of depreciation that are used by ‘nasty people” (sowing incertitude, projections, generalizations, adjudications, psycho manipulations, hidden attacks, conflicting signals, provocations, creating illusory situations without exit); 3) verbal and extraverbal manifestations of the archetypes of ‘tormentor/victim’, ‘hunter/ hunted’, ‘attack/escape’ within the activity of ‘nasty people’; 4) long-term violation of the rules of symbolic interactionism by ‘diminishers’. In terms of methodological contexts there are taken mainly concepts of Jay Carter, Eric Berne, Herbert Blumer and Jean Baudrillard. Among historical contexts there is reference to the concept of neurotic personality (Freud, Horney) within the anthropological framework of seduction attitudes and communication play of evident/hidden. The analysis is proceeded on a set of artifacts that constitute oppressive ‘daily practices’.
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nr 21
7-22
EN
The author of this article has focused on two issues. The first concerns the early activity of Gaius Julius Caesar and his position on the conflict between Lucius Cornelius Sulla and Gaius Marius. Caesar was then in close relations with the Cynno-Marian camp at the time, as evidenced by his marriage to Cornelia, daughter of Lucius Cornelius Cinna, and his appointment as a priest of Jupiter. In the second half of the article, Tomasz Ładoń analyses the conflict Sulla and Caesar after the end of the first civil war. Ładoń describes the causes and the course of this conflict and goes on to conclude that Caesar, despite his initial disagreements with Sulla, not only was not persecuted, but reached a compromise with him during the Sullan restauration in the 70s of the first century BC., which allowed him to start building his own career.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest wczesnemu etapowi życia G. Juliusza Cezara - jego powiązaniom rodzinnym, nominacji na kapłana Jowisza i sojuszowi z obozem cynno-mariańskim. Analizowane są w nim także okoliczności i konsekwencje sporu, do jakiego doszło między Cezarem a L. Korneliuszem Sullą w początkowym okresie dyktatury sullańskiej.
15
Content available The face of Polish dictatorship
62%
EN
The main goal of this article is to present the attitude of authorities of Polish People’s Republic towards the southern extension of the European Community of Greece between 1961 and 1981. In this article, among other things, the classified correspondence between the Polish diplomats who were allocated to posts in Athen’ s and the fourth department of Polish People’s Republic’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has been presented. This article has also presented the responses of the Polish press (i.e. “Trybuna Ludu”, “Życie Warszawy”, “Polityka”) to the cooperation of Greece to EWG.
PL
Zasadniczym celem artykułu było zaprezentowanie stanowiska władz Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej wobec południowego rozszerzenia Wspólnot Europejskich o Grecję w latach (1961–1981). W artykule przedstawiono m.in., korespondencję pomiędzy polskimi dyplomatami przebywającymi w Atenach a DEP. IV Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych PRL (Europa Zachodnia), w której przybliżono polskie oceny długiego i skomplikowanego procesu adaptacji Grecji do wymogów wspólnotowych. W artykule zaprezentowano także reakcje prasy polskiej (m.in.: „Trybuny Ludu”, „Życia Warszawy”, „Polityki”, „Prawa i Życia”) na kooperację kraju z EWG.
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nr 3
95-115
PL
Opracowanie ma na celu przedstawienie koncepcji autorytaryzmu, który – przedstawiony w kategoriach tzw. niegodziwego problemu współczesnego świata – wydaje się poważnym wyzwaniem dla współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych (IR), i to zarówno w wymiarze teoretycznym, jak i praktycznym. Autor artykułu definiuje pojęcie autorytaryzmu jako formę ustroju politycznego, w którym władza i zasoby materiałowo-ludzkie państwa zostały scentralizowane, zawłaszczone i oddane do dyspozycji jednostki lub elitarnej grupy „trzymającej władzę”. W ten sposób możliwości integracji państwa autorytarnego – zarówno w wymiarze politycznym, jak i gospodarczym – z globalnym systemem stosunków międzynarodowych pozostają ograniczone, a istotne instytucje administracyjne państwa zmanipulowane i zawłaszczone. Zastosowana metoda badawcza umożliwia reinterpretację omawianych zagadnień w odniesieniu do złożonej – choć specyficznej – systemowej formy, charakterystycznej nie tylko dla państw i regionów politycznie niestabilnych i upadających, ale także struktur stabilnych politycznie i rozwiniętych gospodarczo. Niniejsza analiza pozwala na ukazanie problemu współczesnych autorytarnych reżimów politycznych w kategoriach, które nie tylko definiują, ale także legitymizują – a niejednokrotnie nawet uprawomocniają – nawet jedne z najbardziej despotycznych, autokratycznych i hegemonistycznych form ustrojowych funkcjonujących we współczesnym świecie.
EN
This study aims to explore the concept of authoritarianism, which - presented in terms of the “wicked problem” of the contemporary world – seems to be a severe challenge to presentday International Relations (IR), both in theoretical and practical dimensions. The concept of authoritarianism is defined in the article as a form of political system in which the power and material resources of the state have been centralized, appropriated, and put at the disposal of either an individual or an elitist group “in power.” In this way, the possibilities of integrating the authoritarian state - both in the political and economic dimension – with the global system of international relations are limited, and the vital administrative institutions of the state have been manipulated and appropriated. The research method applied allows for the interpretation of the discussed issues in a complex – albeit specific – systemic form, characteristic not only for politically fragile or declining countries and regions but also for those which are politically stable and economically developed. The author’s analysis allows for the presentation and reinterpretation of the issue of contemporary authoritarian regimes concerning international relations in terms that not only define but often legitimize – and repeatedly even validate – some of the most despotic, autocratic, and hegemonist forms of the political systems in modern times.
18
Content available Rząd w systemie politycznym Republiki Białorusi
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2014
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tom 33
444-459
PL
System polityczny Białorusi można określić jako republikę prezydencką z dwuizbowym parlamentem. Prezydent Republiki jest głową państwa. A. Łukaszenka, który obecnie pozostaje u władzy (od 1994 roku), ukształtował system łączący cechy autorytaryzmu i dyktatury. Rada Ministrów jest organem władzy wykonawczej, powoływanym przez Prezydenta Republiki. Szefem rządu jest premier (przewodniczący Rady Ministrów), który określa politykę rządu i sprawuje ogólne kierownictwo nad ministrami.
EN
The politics of Belarus takes place in a framework of a presidential republic with a bicameral parliament. The President of Belarus is the head of state. Lukashenko, who is still in power, has caused increased focus on his country due to his leadership manner, which has been considered authoritarian by some and a dictatorship by others. Lukashenko, who is still in power, has caused increased focus on his country due to his leadership manner, which has been considered authoritarian by some and a dictatorship by others. The Council of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus is the executive branch of state power in Belarus, and it is appointed by the President of Belarus. The head of the Government is the Prime Minister of Belarus, who manages the main agenda of the Government and direct the ministers.
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2022
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tom 75
87-104
PL
Podstawowym celem artykułu jest ukazanie specyfiki reżimów autorytarnych działających w globalnej sieci zawiłych i wielowymiarowych stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor artykułu stawia pytanie: w jakim stopniu dynamicznie zmieniający się paradygmat ideologii autorytaryzmu jest odpowiedzialny za występowanie różnego rodzaju napięć, rywalizacji i antagonizmów wywoływanych przez reżimy autorytarne, których skutki i konsekwencje dotykają nie tylko narodowych i regionalnych uwarunkowań politycznych, ale także wywołują poważne reperkusje międzynarodowe? Zastosowana metoda badawcza pozwala wyeksponować złożoną specyfikę reżimów autorytarnych w kontekście wielowymiarowej dynamiki współczesnych przemian geopolitycznych. Ma to kluczowe znaczenie w przypadku, gdy wiele współczesnych trendów ideologicznych często bagatelizuje barbarzyński charakter wielu systemów autorytarnych, a nawet traktuje „model autorytarny” – zwłaszcza w wydaniu autokracji socjalistycznych – jako „specyficzne zjawisko historyczne”, próbujące rozwiązać wiele złożonych i wielorakich kwestii politycznych i gospodarczych.
EN
The article analyzes the specificity and distinctiveness of authoritarian regimes operating in a global network of complex and multidimensional international relations. The author of the article asks the question: to what extent the dynamically changing paradigm of authoritarian ideology is responsible for the occurrence of various types of tensions, rivalries, and antagonisms caused by authoritarian regimes, the effects and consequences of which affect not only national and regional political conditions but also cause severe international repercussions? The applied research method allows exposing the complex particularity of authoritarian regimes in the context of the multidimensional dynamics of recent geopolitical changes. It is crucial when a number of modern ideological trends often downplay the brutal nature of many authoritarian systems and even treat the “authoritarian model” – especially in the form of socialist autocracies – as a “specific historical phenomenon” trying to resolve many complex and multiple political and economic issues.
20
Content available Dyktatura proletariatu jako negacja socjalizmu
51%
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nr 13
65-81
RU
В теории и практике социализма сформировались две основные концепции реализации идеи социализма. Первая, созданная К. Марксом и его последователями, предусматривала реализацию идеи через т.н. диктатуру пролетариата. Вторая, немарксистская, одним из создателей которой был польский философ Е. Абрамовский, в диктатуре пролетариата видела опасность тоталитаризма, то есть отрицание социализма. Социализм во втором значении – это общество свободных людей, которые реализуют свои цели путем демократических процессов. Автор статьи поддерживает версию социализма в концепции Е. Абрамовского.
EN
In the theory and practice of socialism two basic concepts of realization of the idea of socialism were formed. First realization of this idea, formulated by K. Marx and his continuators, is so-called dictatorship of the proletariat. The second, the non-Marxist’s idea, one of its creators was a Polish philosopher E. Abramowski, in the dictatorship of the proletariat sees a danger of totalitarianism and thus the negation of socialism. Socialism in the latter approach was perceived as a society of free people realizing their goals by the means of democratic changes. The author of the article advocates a version of the implementation of the socialism expressed by E. Abramowski.
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