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1

Tacitus on the Parthians

100%

Dąbrowa E.

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2017

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tom 24

171-189

EN

Tacitus is the only Roman historian who devoted his works to such an extent to Rome’s eastern neighbor – the Parthian Empire. Scholars have researched the problem of Tacitus’ attitude towards the Parthians on many occasions. It seems that what is the most important question is not Tacitus’ opinion, but the perspective from which he looked at this topic combined with the source he used when describing the Parthians and their history. Another interesting question is also how deep Tacitus’ knowledge was of the past of the Parthian Empire and the history of Roman-Parthian relations. The aim of this paper is to verify what Tacitus wrote about the Parthians throughout his works. Without taking into account all this evidence, it is not possible to propose a proper evaluation or balanced observations concerning his presentation of the Roman-Parthian relations and internal history, society and customs of the Arsacid state in the first century CE.

2

Adam Naruszewicz’s Translation of Tacitus

100%

Bober-Jankowska M.

Colloquia Litteraria

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2018

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nr 5

EN

In 1772-1773 Adam Naruszewicz, one of most outstanding representatives of Polish Enlightenment, wrote the first complete translation of all Tacit’s works. The study is devoted to Naruszewicz’s translation work on the texts of Roman historian. Adam Naruszewicz translated them onto Polish and published them in three volume, entitled „All works of Kaj Kornelius Tacit. Translation of Adam Stanisław Naruszewicz S.J.”. The study presents a translation workshop of the bishop’s of Smoleńsk, with a special consideration of the description of the mechanisms governing the preparation of scientific commentaries. Previous research concerning the bishop’s commentary work did not at all raise the issue of authorship, claiming that the commentaries were written by Naruszewicz. The Smoleńsk bishop’s commentary work was assessed very highly by the critics. However, the outcome in comparative research of Naruszewicz’s translation and the bases of translations presented in this study allowed to formulate new statements according to which scientofic commentaries in Tacit’s first Polish translation betray a far-reaching, multidimensional dependence on the source of translation, which allows to set and prove the thesis that the bishop was their author.

3

Konstruktion von Alterität – exemplarisch aufgezeigt an Tacitus, „Historiae“ 5, 2–10

100%

Hild C.

Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław

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2021

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nr 19

91-105

EN

People perceive everything that is unknown from their point of view as foreign. This circumstance can also be observed with religions, world views and faith practices. Strangeness can generate curiosity, which expresses itself in interreligious dialogues, for example, but can also lead to reservations, which in the worst case can develop into hatred and discrimination. The perception of foreignness is based on a subjective perception. However, foreignness or alterity can also be constructed to serve possible manipulative purposes. An example of this with regard to people of other faiths is the so-called “Jewish excursus” within the “Historiae”, one of Tacitus’ main works, which is also the most detailed ethnographic report on Judaism by a Roman author. The article asks, firstly, with which perceptions the Roman historian looks at Judaism and how he structures them in terms of content and form, and secondly, which emphases he sets in the construction of Jewish ethnicity and how he shapes it with a view to alterity. As a basis for the analysis, the passages relevant to the perceptions are listed in Latin and German in the appendix and given consecutive numbers. It becomes clear that Tacitus directs his perceptions of Judaism, which from his perspective was of a different faith, to different areas, for example cult practice, faith, physique, portraying them for the most part in strongly misanthropic colours and thus constructing Jewish ethnicity as alterity. This digression was repeatedly used as “historical evidence” to polemicise against Jews until modern times. Tacitus’ motives, however, are not to be associated with anti-Semitism – as has often been done in the research literature – but are rooted, on the one hand, in the valorisation of an enemy of war in order to justify its unusually successful resistance against Roman troops, and, on the other hand, in the warning to the Roman against proselytism. By way of example, it becomes clear that forms of expression of subjective perception of people of other faiths inevitably construct alterity, which is fanned out into different perceptions.

4

THE IDEA OF MAN AND DIVINITY IN ANTIQUITY PART I: The genealogy of Artabanos II (AD 8/9–39/40), King of Parthia

88%

Olbrycht M.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

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2014

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tom 15(3)

92-97

EN

One of the most controversial issues in the Parthian history of the early 1st century AD is the lineage of Artabanos II. The resolution of this problem determines the image of Parthian history in the 1st century AD, moulded to a large extent by an internecine struggle for the legitimation of rival parties’ claim to power. After the death of Phraates IV (37–3/2 BC) Parthia was ravaged by domestic wars. The power of his son, Phraates V (Phraatakes), turned out to be rather ephemeral. He was succeeded by one Orodes III, an Arsacid but of unknown lineage, who reigned for a short time, and this by Vonones I, son of Phraates IV. Eventually a new order initiated by Artabanos II (ca. 8–39/40), the adversary of the descendants of Phraates IV, emerged out of the chaos of war and political turmoil. The time when Artabanos’s ancestral house rose to a high position in Parthia seems to be located somewhere within the turbulent first decade or so of the reign of Phraates IV. We may put forward a hypothesis that a branch of the Arsacids which survived the turmoil of the Sinatrukid period lived among the Dahae. It was from this line that Artabanos II was descended. Artabanos came to rule in Media Atropatene in circumstances which have not been clarified yet. And it was from Media Atropatene that he launched and conducted his struggle for the throne of Parthia against Vonones I. We may assume his ancestry went back to the greatest Arsacid monarch before the Sinatrukids, viz. Mithradates II. The descendants of Phraates IV did not regard any of the other branches of the Arsacids eligible to the throne. The assumption that Artabanos was an Arsacid in the male line is confirmed by Flavius Josephus (Ant. 18.48) and Dio (59.17.3).

5

Metaphorical Picture of Tiberius in Tacitus’s

88%

Migdał J.

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2013

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nr 16

101-112

EN

The paper discusses the way of presenting Tiberius in Tacitus’ Annals; it concentrates on the analysis of diction and metaphors (Tiberius as a snake, the metaphors of clothing, of siege and of fire). Possible analogies with Vergilian metaphors of the fall of Troy are also taken into account.

6

IDEA CZŁOWIEKA I BÓSTWA W STAROŻYTNOŚCI CZĘŚĆ I: The genealogy of Artabanos II (AD 8/9–39/40), King of Parthia

88%

Olbrycht M.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

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2014

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tom 15(3)

92-97

PL

One of the most controversial issues in the Parthian history of the early 1st century AD is the lineage of Artabanos II. The resolution of this problem determines the image of Parthian history in the 1st century AD, moulded to a large extent by an internecine struggle for the legitimation of rival parties’ claim to power. After the death of Phraates IV (37–3/2 BC) Parthia was ravaged by domestic wars. The power of his son, Phraates V (Phraatakes), turned out to be rather ephemeral. He was succeeded by one Orodes III, an Arsacid but of unknown lineage, who reigned for a short time, and this by Vonones I, son of Phraates IV. Eventually a new order initiated by Artabanos II (ca. 8–39/40), the adversary of the descendants of Phraates IV, emerged out of the chaos of war and political turmoil. The time when Artabanos’s ancestral house rose to a high position in Parthia seems to be located somewhere within the turbulent first decade or so of the reign of Phraates IV. We may put forward a hypothesis that a branch of the Arsacids which survived the turmoil of the Sinatrukid period lived among the Dahae. It was from this line that Artabanos II was descended. Artabanos came to rule in Media Atropatene in circumstances which have not been clarified yet. And it was from Media Atropatene that he launched and conducted his struggle for the throne of Parthia against Vonones I. We may assume his ancestry went back to the greatest Arsacid monarch before the Sinatrukids, viz. Mithradates II. The descendants of Phraates IV did not regard any of the other branches of the Arsacids eligible to the throne. The assumption that Artabanos was an Arsacid in the male line is confirmed by Flavius Josephus (Ant. 18.48) and Dio (59.17.3).

7

…ne quem magistratum, cui provincia obvenisset, uxor comitaretur (Tac. Ann. 3, 33, 4): presenze femminili al seguito di magistrati e militari nelle province

88%

Albana M.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2017

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nr 16

127-154

EN

In the early Imperial age, a feature, which had already been seen in the period of civil wars, even though sporadically and disapproved, took hold and became almost commonplace: wives increasingly accompanied their husbands who were sent to the provinces on military and civilian duties. Already with Augustus, but especially with the first and second generation Princes, it was established the custom that the women of the domus imperialis accompanied their husbands engaged away from Rome: the image of a couple united in sharing the daily toils of military life as well as the honours of public ceremonies was functional to prestige and the idea of a potential imperial succession. Even some Governors’ wives moved to the provinces but not all of them chose to live in the shadows, some entering forbidden areas and subsequently being involved in trial for concussio. The custom of accompanying their husbands inevitably spread also among wives of ordinary soldiers. Despite attempts to revive the old bans, the mos maiorum (Tac. Ann. 3, 33, 4), strenuously defended by the conservatives in tones reminiscent of Cato the Elder, was superseded by the new behaviours promoted by the members of the domus Augusta.

8

Trojański palimpsest. Odniesienia intertekstualne w zakończeniu III księgi „Dziejów” Tacyta

75%

Pigoń J.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2023

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tom 33

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nr 1

297-312

EN

The Trojan War or, more precisely, the sacking of Troy, plays an important role in the Roman cultural imagination and the crucial text dealing with these events, Vergil’s Aeneid II, has been used by various authors in various literary genres in order to build associations between their own subject matter and the fates of Priam, Hecuba, Aeneas etc. Thus, for example, the death of Agamemnon in Seneca’s tragedy of the same title bears a similarity to the death of Priam in the Aeneid; the two narratives are examined in the first part of the paper. In the main part of the paper, we move from Seneca to Tacitus; here, after a brief consideration of a passage from the account of the death of Galba (Hist. I 41, 3), there is a detailed discussion of one chapter from the end of Book III of the Histories (84). The chapter describes the Vitellian soldiers’ last stand against the Flavian army in Rome on December 20, AD 69 and Emperor Vitellius’ pathetic demise. The paper’s particular focus is on intertextual references which, so it seems, are introduced by Tacitus into his narrative to make his account of the last stage of the Roman Civil War of AD 68/69 more graphic and memorable; importantly, most of these references evoke the Trojan War and its aftermath. In particular, the following passages are analysed: (1) Tac. Hist. III 84, 2 ~ Verg. Aen. II 501–502; (2) Tac. Hist. III 84, 3 ~ Sall. Cat. 52, 3 + Eur. Hec. 568–570 (cf. Ov. Met. XIII 879–880; Fast. II 833–834); (3) Tac. Hist. III 84, 4 ~ Verg. Aen. II 755; (4) Tac. Hist. III 84, 5 ~ Verg. Aen. II 57–59.

9

Patrzenie jako źródło cierpień (z rzymskich dziejów pewnego motywu literackiego)

75%

Pigoń J.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2021

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tom 31

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nr 1

205-225

PL

The paper examines a number of Roman literary texts (by Ennius, Cicero, Vergil, Ovid, Seneca the Younger, Lucan, Tacitus, Jerome, etc.) in which viewing is connected with mental or emotional suffering. Usually, the emphasis is laid on a character’s viewing of some dramatic events – a close relative’s death, for example – and on his or her emotional response to what is being seen. In some works, especially in consolatory contexts, someone’s premature death is presented as advantageous because the dead person is now spared the necessity of viewing misfortunes which the living have to witness. Also, people may be compelled (e.g. by an emperor) to watch evil things; in such a situation they are usually viewers and objects of viewing at the same time, since their gestures and facial expression are carefully observed.

10

Opozycja zajęć rolniczych i wojowniczości w opisach starożytnych Germanów autorstwa Cezara i Tacyta

75%

Rutkowski R.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

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2013

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nr 2(5), Genealogie kultury

211–230

XX

The paper presents a comparative interpretation of two successive, slightly different, ancient descriptions of the Germanic society written by Caesar and Tacitus. Special attention is paid to how the two writers oppose the combativeness of the Germanic people and their soil cultivation.

11

Some intellectuals in Tacitus and Pliny the Younger

75%

Pigoń J.

Classica Cracoviensia

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2015

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nr 18

311-334

EN

The paper provides a (far from exhaustive) overview of references found in Tacitus’ historical works (Annales, Historiae, Agricola) and in Pliny the Younger’s Epistulae to people who may be defined as “intellectuals”, notably to orators, historians and philosophers. The historian Tacitus is, in general terms, somewhat uninterested in those people in their capacity as men of letters; his focus is, rather, on their involvement in Roman politics (but he makes some interesting side-comments on their intellectual activity). Pliny, on the other hand, is more inclined to emphasize their mental pursuits and, also, to praise their achievements. However, a closer reading of passages devoted to such intellectuals in the Epistulae reveals that he uses them to promote his own image as an ideal Roman, devoted not only to studia but also to officia publica and officia amicorum, and an upholder of humanitas.

12

The Portrayal of Seneca in the Octavia and in Tacitus’ Annals

75%

Pigoń J.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2017

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tom 27

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nr 3

EN

The paper examines the representation of Seneca in two literary works of the late 1st and early 2nd centuries AD, the anonymous tragedy Octavia and the Annals by Tacitus. In the Octavia Seneca appears as the emperor Nero’s upright but unhappy teacher trying in vain to inculcate salutary advice to his master. There is no question of his being responsible for the crimes of Nero; the picture of him drawn in the play is wholly favourable. The portrayal of Seneca in Tacitus’ Annals is more complex and nuanced, and only seldom does the historian give his own views about Nero’s advisor. However, it would be wrong to suppose that Seneca is harshly criticised by Tacitus.

13

Tacitus and the Persecution of the Christians: An Invention of Tradition?

75%

VAN DER LANS B. , BREMMER J. N.

Eirene. Studia Graeca et Latina

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2017

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tom 53

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nr 1-2

299-331

EN

Tacitus’ description of Nero’s punishment of Christians for the Great Fire of Rome in AD 64 has made a great impact on later understandings of Christian history. However, several questions have been raised concerning the accuracy of this account, and recently the historicity of a persecution of Christians under Nero has been denied altogether by Brent Shaw. This article discusses the most important objections and tries to achieve a better understanding of the events by combining an analysis of the narrative functions of this persecution in Tacitus with a new consideration of the earliest Christian reports. The article ends with an Appendix containing an updated analysis of the emergence of the name “Christian”.

14

The Roman Senate and Armenia (190 BC–AD 68)

75%

Buongiorno P.

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2021

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tom 28

89-104

EN

Even with the Principate, the Senate kept a major role in Rome’s diplomatic relations with Armenia. This paper will examine the extant evidence of the senatorial decrees, paying a special attention to the decrees dating to the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. These decrees can be reconstructed analysing some relevant epigraphic texts (the Res Gestae divi Augusti, the Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, the Senatus consultum de honoribus Germanico decernendis) and a source of absolute importance as the Annales of Tacitus.

15

Strach jako narzędzie władzy w pismach historiograficznych Tacyta

63%

Czapińska-Bambara M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Romanica

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2022

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tom 17

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nr 2

9-21

EN

Tacitus’texts are permeated with fear. This effect is reached as a result of the use of a rich vocabulary related to fear and numerous scenes in which fear plays a major role. The structure of Tacitus’stories is in fact composed of the overlapping kinds of fear caused and felt by people in power, participating in its execution, aspiring to hold it and subjected to it. Consequently, the stories expose the mechanism of Roman power, which was driven and fueled by fear. The reason why Tacitus used the description of fear in the historical texts also seems to be significant. The aim of this article is therefore to look at the semantic layer of the words that the historian used to illustrate fear, to emphasize the aspect of power within interpersonal relations, which were almost entirely based on fear, and to indicate the reason that could have prompted Tacitus to use this feeling in presenting the history of Rome.

FR

Les œuvres de Tacite sont imprégnées de peur. Le résultat a été obtenu grâce à l’utilisation d’un riche vocabulaire lié à la peur et de nombreuses scènes dans lesquelles la peur joue un rôle important. La structure des récits de Tacite se compose d’un chevauchement de diverses craintes, causées et ressenties par les personnages qui exercent le pouvoir, ceux qui le convoitent et ceux qui le subissent. Par conséquent, les histoires décrivent les mécanismes de la puissance de Rome, conduite et assurée par la peur. La raison pour laquelle Tacite emploie la description de la peur dans ses textes historiques nous paraît significative. Le but de cet article est d’analyser la couche sémantique des mots dont l’historien se sert pour illustrer la peur, de souligner les aspects du pouvoir dans les relations interpersonnelles, qui étaient entièrement fondées sur la peur, et d’indiquer ce qui a pu inciter Tacite à utiliser ce sentiment dans la présentation de l’histoire de Rome.

16

Corbulo versus Vologases: A Game of Chess for Armenia

63%

Gregoratti L.

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2017

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tom 24

107-121

EN

The available books of Tacitus’ Annales constitute the most important source of information concerning the long war between Rome and the Great King for supremacy in Armenia. Leaving in the background the stereotypical way in which the Arsacids are often portrayed, his characterisation of the protagonists, both Roman and Parthian, reflects Tacitus’ opinions about Rome’ political past and present. The representations the Roman author provides of the various leaders, Corbulo, Paetus, Vologases and Tiridates, seem to marginalise the distinction between Roman and Parthians, in order to distinguish between those who are familiar with the rules of psychological warfare and experts in the tricks of the war game and those who are tragically not.

17

Aegyptiaca Vespasiani. Nilus on Vespasian’s Alexandrian Coins Evidence for the Tradition of the Legitimization of Power

63%

Lichocka B.

Études et Travaux (Institut des Cultures Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences)

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2015

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nr 28

91–104

EN

During the first three years of Vespasian’s reign, coins which depicted Nilus bust were minted in Alexandria. Some scholars relate these representations to the reported by Cassius Dio (LXVI 8, 1) sudden exceptional Nile flooding which took place after the emperor’s arrival in Alexandria. However, the dates of both events are disputable. It seems that Nilus bust on the coins is rather an expression of Roman emperors’ complying with requirements of the tradition which identified the monarch with the renewed Nile.

18

Wieszczka w świecie starożytnych Germanów. Studium porównawcze

63%

Janiszewska-Sieńko D.

Studia Podlaskie

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2019

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tom 27

7-23

EN

This article is an attempt at presenting the function of the Germanic seeress in the context of similar positions among other ancient societies, including Roman and Old Norse sources, both written and archeological. The main objective of the study is to situate the seeress in a broader cultural context and an attempt to answer the question if the Roman sources on the subject are precise and credible.

PL

Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą zaprezentowania funkcji germańskiej wieszczki na tle podobnych stanowisk wśród innych społeczeństw antycznych z uwzględnieniem źródeł rzymskich i staronordyckich, pisanych i archeologicznych. Głównym celem tego studium jest usytuowanie wieszczki w szerszym kontekście kulturowym i próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy źródła rzymskie na ten temat są precyzyjne i wiarygodne.

19

Tacitus und seine Beschreibungen Niedergermaniens: War „der Schweigsame“ vor Ort?

51%

Bödecker S. , Kunow J.

Materiały Zachodniopomorskie

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2021

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tom 17

377-402

PL

Tacyt w swojej twórczości wykazuje duże zainteresowanie i szczegółową wiedzę na temat Dolnej Germanii – większe niż w przypadku jakiejkolwiek innej części Imperium Rzymskiego. Można to tłumaczyć jego pobytem na tym terenie.

EN

Tacitus demonstrates in his work a special interest for and a detailed knowledge of Germania inferior, more than for any other part of the Roman Empire. This can be explained with personal “eye-witness” in his own career.