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EN
Following article is devoted to organizing of girls in the Hlinka´s Youth girls. This article briefly describes the development of the Slovak Hlinka Youth as such, way of organizing girls within Hlinka Youth.
EN
The regime of the first Slovak Republic saw Slovak woman mainly as a mother whose place was in the household. The main duty of a woman was to take care of a household, husband and to raise children. The education and upbringing supposed to prepare girls for this role. The vocational school for women in Nitra provided a general and special education for a family. For example the school provided a study of housework such as tailoring clothes and it was also preparation for the higher level of education of women vocational schools. This kind of education was considered the most appropriate for women. This contribution depicts the activity, organization, aims and tasks of the public vocational school for women in Nitra in 1939-1945.
EN
The study describes the last years of Vojtech Tuka, one of the representatives of the Slovak State (1939-1945). This period was significantly affected by his ill health, which was the official reason for his withdrawal from politics in the years 1943-1944. At the end of the war he moved to western Austria, which became the French occupying zone. French military police arrested him in August 1945 in Kitzbühel and interned him in Innsbruck. Because of the very poor state of his health it was an urgent and speedy hearing. He was transported to Prague in December 1945 and was heard to supply information for the Nuremberg trials. Further questioning took place in May 1946 due to its own process at the National court. Investigators were interested in the circumstances of the Slovak State, his activity during the period of autonomy, his contacts with the Nazis in the 1920s, events of March 1939 and the riots in Bratislava, the Treaty of protection with Germany, the war against Poland and the Soviet Union, economic and military linkage to Germany, meeting in Salzburg and the Jewish question. On the questions of the period of his “first political activity” in 1929 he answered only with the intentions of his request for mercy from 1935. The process ended with sentencing and execution of Vojtech Tuka in August 1946.
4
Content available remote SONDA DO HISTORICKEJ PAMÄTI SLOVENSKEJ SPOLOČNOSTI ZAOSTRENÁ NA MLADÝCH
70%
EN
The struggle over political and historical memory is a serious and recurring issue that has important implications for the rise and spread of national politics in contemporary Europe and the durability of democratic traditions. This is particularly focused on the way in which new generations of youth are taught their history and the formation of collective memory. The sociological survey conducted in 2013 has shown that large segments of population, above young people, either don’t know or don’t care much about the history of the wartime Slovak state (1939 – 1945) and the holocaust. On the other hand the agreement with preserving memory is wide-spread, partially with the rationale to prevent recurrences of intolerance, extremism and xenophobia. The survey reveals also the most frequently used sources of knowledge about the past and based on empirical findings elaborates on how to approach youth when teaching history.
ARS
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2010
|
tom 43
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nr 2
299-317
EN
The article focuses on the issue of the looted Jewish art during the fascist Slovak State (1939 - 1945) and represents a pioneer attempt to summarize all available information. It covers the legal background (The Jewish Codex of 1941), procedures for gathering and evaluation of concerned objects (paintings, sculptures, applied art etc.), personal involvement of local art historians (Dr. Vladimír Wágner, Dr. Alžbeta Guntherová-Mayerová) and the works of art still in possession of local galleries (e.g. Slovak National Gallery).
EN
This paper analyses the organization of exhibitions in Bratislava in the period between 1939 and 1945. We examine not only the exhibitions themselves, but also for the first time shed light on their background, their administration and their locations. The exhibitions analysed here include those organized by museum as well as non-museum institutions of varying types and focus. Our analyses details the challenges involved in organizing exhibitions in the capital and then provides a detailed examination of three specific exhibitions. Additionally, the paper provides an overview of the exhibition activities of two major cultural institutions, the Slovak Museum and the Association of Slovak Artists towards the end of the period in question.
EN
A part of the historical community and the lay public generally regard the circumstances of the origin of the Slovak state as a well-researched and closed theme. Our research over several years into German sources in foreign archives shows that this is not true. They undoubtedly include the hitherto practically unknown report of Werner Göttsch, a member of the Führer’s Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD). It is not only interesting for the fact that it originated two weeks after the turbulent events, but especially for its content. In this content author presents some entirely new facts, which shed some new light on the circumstances of the origin of the Slovak state in March 1939. In particular, he deals with the role of Vojtech Tuka in the plans of the SD foreign intelligence and the Berlin Foreign Ministry, a view of the Slovak political spectrum from the point of view of the intelligence bodies of the Reich, the activities of the SD in the autonomous Slovak region and the role of the leadership of the German minority during the March events of 1939. It also gives the researcher a picture of the relations between the individual components of the Nazi apparatus, which had Slovakia in their job description, and the rivalry between the two components of the SD – domestic and foreign. The hitherto unknown aspects of the role of V. Tuka in the political game surrounding Slovak independence are also a promising stimulus for further discussion in Slovak historiography.
EN
The personality of Janos Esterhazy, a Hungarian minority politician in the period of interwar Czechoslovak Republic and in the Slovak State, is not an unknown element in the history of historiography. Difficulty in evaluation of his political activities is one of the most typical examples of different views of the Hungarian and Slovak historians. This contribution points to the state of reflexion of this personality in the Slovak historiography with the professional works of historians with an attempt to interpret the historical correlations binding to Esterhazy, focusing on his post-war destiny. An overview reveals that this part of his life is expressed by Slovak historians as a tragic personal and political chapter but they proclaim that an inadequate punishment does not qualify the historians to look at him as a symbolic person without critical reflection.
EN
A recognition is one of the legal acts which permit a new state to enter the international community as a full partner. It establishes normal relations between two states as a precondition of their mutual communication in politics, as well as in economics and other fields. Thus, swift recognition by as many states as possible is the first task of every newly established foreign ministry. As early as 15 March 1939, the Slovak foreign ministry notified its prospective counterparts about the birth of the Slovak State. The Norwegian foreign ministry was to make a stand on recognition. Due to the tense international situation on the eve of WWII, this turned into a lengthy process of consideration, complicated even more by the outbreak of the war in September 1939. Early in April 1940, Norway was about to give a de facto recognition. However, the Nazi invasion in the same month stopped the action, which, nonetheless, somewhat disturbed the initial contacts between Norwegian and Czechoslovak exile representations.
EN
The conservative forces in the Slovak society of the first half of the 20th century sought models in Christian solidarity and the corporate state, which would replace parliamentarism of the Western type. The ideas could be put into practice after the seizure of power in autumn 1938 and especially after Slovakia became independent in March 1939. However, the ally of independent Slovakia, Nazi Germany rejected the corporate state. Therefore, the idea of Christian solidarity was replaced with the idea of Slovak National socialism and plans for a corporate social system for the Slovak working community according to the German model. The regime of the Slovak Republic of 1939 – 1945 attempted to put the new principles of the social state into economic and social practice. However, the implementation of the ideas of the time about a social state and the political system of Slovakia stopped half way.
EN
This article focuses on the content analysis of the theoretical concept of non-democratic regimes by Juan J. Linz in his major publication Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes (2000) and its application to the regime of the Slovak Republic in the years 1939 – 1945. The aim of this paper is to define the character of regime in Slovakia and determine whether the regime of the first Slovak republic was directed more to the totalitarian or authoritarian type of the non-democracies. The main aim of the work is reflected in the structure of the paper, divided into two chapters. The first one describes the principal characteristics of totalitarianism and authoritarianism and difference between them. The second one analyses three basic features of authoritarianism – limited political pluralism, mentalities and political mobilization – and applies them to Slovak terms in 1939 – 1945. The application has shown there features which are identical with characteristics of authoritarianism specified by Linz. Therefore, we cannot say the regime of the first Slovak Republic was totalitarian, but it was regime which tended to authoritarian type of non-democracies.
EN
In the period 1934 – 1949, not only the real international situation, but to a large extent also political illusions were reflected in the relationship of the Slovaks to Russia. The alliance between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union had also the support of Slovak members of the ruling circles in Prague in 1935. The orientation to Nazi Germany determined the foreign policy of the Slovak state from March 1939. The pact between Berlin and Moscow briefly opened the possibility of diplomatic relations between Slovakia and Russia. The entry of Slovakia to the anti-Soviet war on the side of Nazi Germany changed the political priorities. The anti-fascist elements in the illegal resistance took over the initiative in relations with Moscow. From the anti-fascist uprising in Slovakia, through the political developments in the first post-war years, the Slovak communists replaced spontaneous sympathy for Slavonic Russia with organized “love for the Soviet Union”.
EN
The study is the first contribution to tracing the fate of objects of artistic or historic interest derived from the confiscated property of Jews during the so-called Slovak state. The Ministry of Education and National Enlightenment, which was responsible for monument protection at the time, strove for the transfer of objects of artistic or historic interest from Jewish owners to museums. However, the Ministry of Finance frustrated its ambitions by demanding the unconditional sale of these valuable objects. The Ministry of Education secured the assessment of Jewish possessions with artistic or historic value and compilation of a list of objects to be bought, but the Ministry of Finance did not agree. The study traces the steps of individual ministries in dealing with objects of artistic, scientific or historic value owned by Jews.
EN
The military intervention of the Prague central government in Slovakia during the days from 9 to 11th March, 1939 was intended to prevent the internal disintegration of Czechoslovakia. It would achieve this by replacing the autonomous government of J. Tiso and limiting the separatist tendencies of the radical members of Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party and the paramilitary Hlinka Guard. However, the military coup was not thoroughly prepared from the military, political or propaganda points of view. After the initial successes of the Czech gendarmes, who penetrated into Slovakia in the evening on March 9, the Hlinka Guard began to organize resistance and present the coup as an attempt to reverse the results of the Act on the Autonomy of the Slovak Region from November 2, 1938 and return to the centralist regime in Slovakia. In the struggle for public opinion, the Prague government could not convince the public about its intentions, and pressure from the People’s Party and Hlinka Guard forced it to hand over power to the political representatives of the Slovak region in the afternoon on March 11. During the evening President E. Hácha appointed K. Sidor as the new premier of the autonomous government. Sidor began to work on political consolidation. He enforced the release of imprisoned members of the Hlinka Guard and representatives of the People’s Party. He also forced the government in Prague to make various political concessions, which increased the legal powers of the autonomous government in Bratislava. The military intervention in Slovakia worsened relations between the Czechs and Slovaks. Adolf Hitler used the situation to achieve the internal breakup of the republic. Berlin unambiguously supported the demand for the creation of a Slovak state. The Parliament of the Slovak Region declared an independent state on March 14, 1939. This began the process of internal disintegration of Czechoslovakia, which led to the occupation of Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia by Hungary and the occupation of Bohemia and Moravia by Nazi Germany on March 15.
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