Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

The Logics of Sense and the Russian-Ukrainian War

100%

Raikhert K.

Eidos. A Journal for Philosophy of Culture

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2022

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tom 6

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nr 4

96-106

EN

The study examines Russian philosopher Andrei Smirnov’s conception of the logic of sense as a way of providing exposition of the reasons for the Russian-Ukrainian war. The logic of sense is simultaneously a theory of rules of sense-setting and the very rules of sense-setting created by a culture and the ruling culture. Smirnov thinks that the reasons lie in the clash between common-human European culture and its logic of sense and all-human Russian culture and its logic of sense. Smirnov sees no difference between Russians and Ukrainians and considers the Ukrainian culture an essential and indispensable part of Russian culture. Therefore, the expansion of the common-human European culture to Ukraine challenges the all-human Russian culture.

2

The impact of the war on banking in Ukraine

100%

Stoika V.

Central European Review of Economics & Finance

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2023

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tom 43

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nr 2

52-64

EN

The article is devoted to the study of the operation of the banking system of Ukraine during the war period. The key indicators of the banking sector have been analyzed, in particular, the number of banking institutions and the dynamics of assets and liabilities. The key financial results of the banking sector, namely net profit and loss, return on assets and capital have been analyzed. It is revealed that maintenance of operational efficiency and effective measures taken by the National Bank of Ukraine allowed the banking sector to adapt to the crisis conditions and make a profit under martial law.

3

How the war between Russia and Ukraine caused a multi-cycle in the Polish housing market

100%

Łaszek J. , Olszewski K. , Augustyniak H.

Critical Housing Analysis

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2024

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tom 11

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nr 1

15-30

EN

We examine the effects of the war between Russia and Ukraine on the housing market in the six largest cities in Poland and explain how these effects emerged. Since Poland’s transition to a market economy and its accession to the EU, Poland has experienced normal cycles in house prices, i.e. relatively long periods of increases in house prices followed by similarly long periods of decreases in house prices. However, the combination of the COVID-19 pandemic and the war between Russia and Ukraine created a situation that can be described as a multi-cycle. The pandemic initially halted nearly all transactions on the market, but after a few quarters of fiscal and monetary intervention aimed at saving the economy we observed a housing boom. Just a few quarters later, the Russian aggression in Ukraine caused significant inflation, which required a sharp increase in interest rates, and once again demand slowed down. This was followed just a few quarters later by a resurgence in house purchases in order to escape inflation, with many people using cash for these purchases. This situation has shaken the housing market, while the war has also generated a demographic shock. Construction and transportation workers began returning to Ukraine to help in its reconstruction, while women with children came to Poland from Ukraine seeking safety and creating a demand for rental housing.

4

Strengthening Social Responsibility: Ukrainian Universities’ Third Mission Amidst War

100%

Stoliaryk O. , Korniat V. , Hertsyuk D.

The New Educational Review

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2024

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tom 76

51-62

EN

This study explores the challenges and prospects of implementing the Third Mission (TM) of Ukrainian higher education institutions (HEIs) amidst the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Utilising a qualitative research approach, data were collected from eight Ukrainian HEIs participating in the Erasmus+ project “Community Universities: Strengthening Cooperation”. Findings reveal a lack of legislative clarity regarding TM, hindering its uniform implementation across institutions. Despite this, Ukrainian universities strongly commit to community engagement, with collaborative efforts to address societal needs. The study highlights the urgent need for legislative strengthening of TM and enhanced collaboration with communities to bolster the resilience of HEIs in conflict-affected contexts.

5

The Impact of the Russian-Ukrainian War on the European Union's Energy Security

100%

Sadowska E.

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2022

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tom No. 2 (10)

41--52

EN

The conflict between Ukraine and the Russian Federation has far-reaching consequences on international relations in general and the economies of neighbouring countries. This includes also a significant impact on the energy sector. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has disrupted global markets. The aim of the article is to analyse the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the European Union's energy security, examine the measures taken by the EU to secure its gas supply, and suggest actions to be taken to enhance the security of supplies.

6

What the Russian war in Ukraine means for the Middle East?

88%

Zdanowski J.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2023

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tom XX

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nr 1

13-42

EN

This article refers to the impact the war in Ukraine had on the policy of the Middle East countries in the international and domestic aspects and what development of events can be expected in this connection. The Middle East countries reacted quickly to the war in Ukraine; most condemned Russia’s aggression. However, none sided with Ukraine, and Iran firmly sided with Russia. How to explain it? Also, Arab public opinion did not accept the Western narrative about the causes of the war in Ukraine. Was it the result of Russian propaganda, or were there more profound reasons? Washington strongly pressured its Middle Eastern allies to move away from their policy of neutrality. Still, a year after the aggression, the Middle East not only continued to maintain relations with Russia but also expanded its scope. Was it the result of the rejection of American paternalism or the greater autonomy of the region’s countries in the conditions of multipolarity in international relations? The article tries to explain these questions within the methodology and terminology of constructing scenarios of future trends in international relations.

7

ООН та українська дипломатія в боротьбі за незалежність і територіальну цілісність України в умовах російсько-української війни

88%

Vidnyanskyj S.

The International Relations of Ukraine: Scientific Searches and Findings

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2023

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nr 32

10-44

EN

The article highlights the activities of the United Nations and the UN Security Council during the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2023 and the activity of Ukrainian diplomacy in defending Ukraine's independence and territorial integrity. The author analyses, in particular, the voting processes at the UN General Assembly and Security Council meetings on issues related to the Russian aggression against Ukraine and points out their ineffectiveness. The author emphasises the need to reform all UN activities in accordance with the current challenges of the global world in the context of the formation of a new, multipolar system of international relations. Particular attention is paid to the acute problem of transforming the most influential body of the United Nations - the Security Council, its structure and decision-making mechanisms, which have been based on the principle of division into permanent and non-permanent members since 1945. The principle of division into permanent and non-permanent members and veto power for the former - the United States, the USSR (and today its illegal successor, the Russian Federation), the People's Republic of China, France and the United Kingdom - no longer corresponds to current realities, as the exclusive possession of veto power by the leading players in world politics is a direct violation of the principle of equality of UN member states. The article also examines the active work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine during the Russian war against Ukraine. It is not only about the realisation of the complex current tasks of expanding an effective pro-Ukrainian coalition in the world, restoring universal respect for the UN Charter and the equal rights of independent states and peoples, but also about the prospects for post-war arrangements in Europe and the world with Ukraine's active participation. It is concluded that Ukrainian diplomacy, in the difficult conditions of martial law and the crisis of the UN and the entire international security system, is quite adequately fulfilling its responsible mission of protecting Ukraine's national interests in the modern global world.

8

The “Russian World” concept in the Ukrainian media discourse: some of the key narratives

88%

Starodubtseva A.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

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2023

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tom 2

139-152

EN

The “Russian world” concept is constantly employed in political and media discourse. Despite its active use, no single comprehensive definition exists in scientific literature. In this study, a brief version of the “Russian world” term conceptualization was presented, including two categorical series of semantic formations (social groups and value systems) and three axiological conceptual functions of the “Russian world”. In addition, newly formed narratives in connection with the Russian-Ukrainian war encountered only within the framework of Ukrainian discourse were identified. As research material, Russian and Ukrainian-language texts from the Ukrainian media reflecting the consequences of Russia’s military actions on the territory of Ukraine through the prism of the “Russian world” concept were adopted. The work was conducted applying semantic analysis, contextual analysis, and the substitution method.

9

Psychological Determinants of Social Dependency in Elderly People During the First Months of Russian-Ukrainian War

88%

Hrabovska S. , Partyko T. , Hrebin N.

Journal of Education Culture and Society

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2023

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tom 14

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nr 1

299-317

EN

Aim. The aim of the research is to identify changes of psychological determinants of elderly people’s inclination to social dependency during the first month of Russian-Ukrainian war in comparison with peace time. Methods. The research uses methodologies of inclination to demanding behaviour by Hrabovska (2005), emotional intelligence by D. Luisin (2006), personality volitional qualities by Chumakov (2006), adaptive stress abilities by Rozov (2006), psychological well-being by Ryff as adapted by Shevelenkova and Fesenko (2005). Results. It is identified that during the first months of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war, inclination of elderly people, who stay in relatively safe conditions in Ukraine, to social dependency does not undergo significant changes in comparison with peacetime. There are changes in the vector of emotional regulation of social dependency: from intrapersonal in pre-war time into interpersonal during the wartime, when importance in understanding the emotions of other people is high consequently, it results in a more active life stance in the elderly. Initiative becomes a leading will regulator, shows far-sightedness of a person. There is activation of coping mechanisms, related to adaptive thinking, sleep and somatic regulation, and they can be considered vital resources for stable mental health preservation at the beginning of a war. Conclusions. It is recommended to provide psychological support to seniors in finding occupations that help them to realize their capacity for self-sufficiency and create conditions for personal responsibility and assertiveness as the ability to stand for their own rights without violating other people's resources.

10

Integration of Ukrainian Grain Markets with Foreign Markets During Russia's Invasion of Ukraine

75%

Hamulczuk M. , Cherevyk D. , Makarchuk O. , Kuts T. , Voliak L.

Zagadnienia Ekonomiki Rolnej

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2023

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tom 377

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nr 4

1-25

EN

The paper aims to evaluate the implications of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict for the strength and nature of the integration of Ukrainian grain markets with world markets. The empirical research is based on the theoretical foundations of spatial market integration and the spatial market equilibrium model. According to them, changes in the integration of Ukrainian and world wheat, corn, and barley markets are evaluated via fluctuations in trade flow volumes, changes in trade costs and price co-movement. To analyze trade implications, monthly trade flow volumes, trade shares, and trade concentration measures during the conflict were compared with expected values assuming no war. To evaluate the implications of the conflict for trade costs, the authors analyzed differences between Ukrainian and world grain prices. Relying on the weekly price series, the price co-movement was assessed using the autoregressive distributed lag model (ARDL) and Granger instantaneous causality test. The results show that the strength of the integration of Ukrainian grain markets with world markets has deteriorated due to the conflict. It is confirmed by the decrease in the grain export volumes from Ukraine, the increase in price differences, and the lack of significant price transmission between Ukrainian and global grain markets since the war outbreak in February 2022. Moreover, the nature of the market integration has changed. One can observe a growing role of the European Union countries in the Ukrainian grain export share and changes in the Ukrainian grain export concentration. Such behaviour is in line with the theoretical foundation of the spatial market equilibrium model and theory of international integration.

PL

Celem artykułu jest ocena wpływu konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego na siłę i charakter integracji ukraińskich rynków zbożowych z rynkami światowymi. Badania empiryczne odwołują się do teoretycznych podstaw przestrzennej integracji rynków i modelu równowagi przestrzennej. Zgodnie z nimi zmiany w integracji ukraińskich i światowych rynków pszenicy, kukurydzy i jęczmienia są oceniane za pomocą przepływów towarowych, kosztów wymiany handlowej i badania współzmienności cen. W celu oceny implikacji handlowych miesięczne przepływy towarowe, udziały w handlu i miary koncentracji handlu podczas konfliktu porównano z wartościami oczekiwanymi zakładającymi brak wojny. Aby ocenić wpływ konfliktu na koszty wymiany handlowej, przeanalizowano różnice między cenami zbóż w Ukrainie i na świecie. Opierając się na tygodniowych szeregach czasowych, współzmienność cen została oceniona za pomocą modelu ARDL i testu natychmiastowej przyczynowości Grangera. Wyniki pokazują, że siła integracji ukraińskich rynków zbożowych z rynkami światowymi osłabła w wyniku konfliktu. Potwierdza to spadek wolumenu eksportu zbóż z Ukrainy, wzrost różnic cenowych oraz brak istotnej transmisji cen między ukraińskimi i światowymi rynkami zbóż od momentu wybuchu wojny. Dodatkowo zmienił się charakter integracji rynków. Obserwujemy rosnącą rolę krajów Unii Europejskiej (UE) w udziale eksportu zbóż z Ukrainy oraz zmiany w koncentracji eksportu. Takie zachowanie jest zgodne z teoretycznymi podstawami modelu równowagi przestrzennej oraz teorią integracji międzynarodowej.

11

Dynamics of Change in the Political Identity of Ukrainians as a Result of the War with Russia

75%

Valevskyi O.

Studia nad Bezpieczeństwem

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2022

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nr 7

83-93

PL

Wojskowa inwazja Rosji na Ukrainę stała się impulsem, który radykalnie przyczynił się do konsolidacji społeczeństwa ukraińskiego i ukształtowania nowych wartościowych struktur tożsamości obywateli. Wciąż trwają ogromne przemiany w świadomości społecznej ukraińskiego społeczeństwa, spowodowane agresją wojskową. Wyniki badań socjologicznych wskazują, że w świadomości społecznej odnotowano istotne przemiany wartości, których treść daje podstawy do stwierdzenia, że zachodzi proces kształtowania się nowych struktur tożsamości społeczno-kulturowej. Istnieje zatem potrzeba zbadania dynamiki zmian politycznych i wartościowych postaw świadomości społecznej w warunkach oporu wobec agresji wojskowej Federacji Rosyjskiej. Zadaniem badawczym jest określenie kierunku kształtowania się nowych komponentów tożsamości w warunkach agresji wojskowej. Również istnieje pilna potrzeba zbadania koncepcyjnych podstaw kształtowania się odnowionej tożsamości w okresie powojennym, która będzie miała na celu przywrócenie ekonomicznych i społecznych podstaw społeczeństwa. Dlatego należy zwrócić uwagę na określenie strategicznych kierunków polityki tożsamościowej w okresie powojennym. Uzyskane wnioski będą przydatne w kształtowaniu państwowej polityki tożsamościowej, która jest istotna dla społeczeństwa ukraińskiego w kontekście realizacji państwowego kursu integracyjnego z UE.

EN

Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine provided the impetus that radically contributed to the consolidation of Ukrainian society and the formation of new valuable identity structures for citizens. The massive transformation in the social consciousness of Ukrainian society caused by the military aggression is still ongoing. The results of sociological research indicate that significant value transformations have been recorded in the social consciousness, the content of which gives grounds to conclude that a process of formation of new socio-cultural identity structures is taking place. Therefore, there is a need to study the dynamics of political changes and value attitudes of social consciousness under the conditions of resistance to the military aggression of the Russian Federation. The research task is to determine the direction of the formation of new identity components under conditions of military aggression. Also, there is an urgent need to investigate the conceptual basis for the formation of a renewed identity in the post-war period, which will aim to restore the economic and social foundations of society. Therefore, attention should be paid to identifying the strategic directions of identity politics in the post-war period. The conclusions obtained will be useful in the formation of state identity policy, which is relevant for Ukrainian society in the context of the implementation of the state’s integration with the EU.

12

The Discourse of Daily Life during the War: the 2022 Ukrainian Projection

75%

Klymanska L. , Klimanska M. , Haletska I.

Journal of Education Culture and Society

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2023

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tom 14

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nr 1

526-550

EN

Aim. To define and describe the positions of Ukrainians in their attitude to the war on Russia and reflection of this attitude in the discourse of daily life in wartime. Concept/Methods. 25 transcripts of semi-structured interviews subjected to thematic analysis. Relying on the categories identified through thematic analysis, the criteria differentiating the attitude of Ukrainians to the war, viz. personalization/depersonalization, media practice of content consumption, assessment of the so called “we-they-relationship”, reflection on the changes in daily life, the process of adaptation to changes, ideas of exemplary behavior were established. Results and conclusion. The analysis of the results enabled to outline the problematic field of assessment of the attitude of Ukrainians to the full-scale war on Russia and reflection of this attitude in the discourse of daily life in wartime. Relying on the criteria differentiating this attitude, three typical positions in the attitude of Ukrainians to the war were outlined – that of external observer, optimistic fatalist, and rational optimist. Practical application. Clarification of the specific characteristics of the attitude of Ukrainians to the war and perception of the enemy under such circumstances enables to envisage the public opinion response to certain decisions related to the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, to plan communication campaigns promoting volunteer movement with due account of different positions taken by Ukrainians as well as to determine the degree of psycho-traumatizing of individuals in the crisis situation of war via discourse. Originality/Cognitive value. The study was conducted in October-November 2022, on the ninth month of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, and it reflects the thoughts of Ukrainian civilians concerning the war, its reasons, collective responsibility of Russians, and, finally, changes occurring in the life of the country and every individual, the process of adaptation to this complex situation. The use of quality methods (semi-structured interview) for the study ensured focusing on subjective peculiarities of the perception of war and daily life during in wartime. Conclusions: The typology of ideas, types of attitude of Ukrainians to the reality of war requires verification and further specification within a quantitative study aimed at clarification of quantitative figures representing the prevalence of the established positions.

13

Safety in unmanned transport in armed conflicts

75%

Magniszewski M. , Rak D. , Kozicki B. , Błaszczak B.

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2023

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tom Vol. 8, No. 2

239--248

EN

Purpose: The main purpose of this paper is to investigate the safety of unmanned transport in armed conflicts, with a particular focus on the Russo-Ukrainian war. Methodology: The authors employ a multidimensional comparative analysis of selected Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) used for reconnaissance, combat, and transport tasks. Various sources such as scientific literature, military reviews, historical facts, technical specifications, and illustrations support the arguments and compare different types of UAVs. Results: The authors confirm their research thesis that in current geopolitical conditions, UAVs will become one of the equipment elements of the armed forces of individual European countries. They highlight their diverse functionality, positive impact on safety, and technological progress. Theoretical Contribution: This paper contributes to the field of military technology by providing a comprehensive analysis of the role and impact of UAVs in modern warfare. It offers valuable insights into the evolving nature of conflict and the increasing reliance on unmanned technologies. Practical Implications: The findings of this research have significant practical implications. They suggest that the use of UAVs in future military technologies will become increasingly common, and their combat capabilities and electro-optical equipment will continue to improve. This underscores the need for ongoing research and development in this area to ensure these technologies' safe and effective use in the context of armed conflict.

14

The Russian-Ukrainian war versus the mineral security of Poland

75%

Lewicka E. D. , Burkowicz A. , Czerw H. , Figarska-Warchoł B. , Galos K. , Gałaś A. , Guzik K. , Kamyk J. , Kot-Niewiadomska A. , Szlugaj J.

Gospodarka Surowcami Mineralnymi

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2022

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tom T. 38, z. 3

5--30

EN

This work is an attempt to determine the scale of threats to the mineral security of Poland in the area of non-energy raw materials resulting from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. In particular, it aims to identify those industries whose proper functioning may be threatened in the face of the limited supply of raw materials from three directions – Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. An element of the analysis was also the indication of possible alternative sources of the supply of these raw materials. For this purpose, the directions of imports to Poland of about 140 non-energy raw materials in 2011–2020 were analyzed. As a result, about thirty raw materials were selected, the supplies of which came from, among others, at least one of the three mentioned countries. To determine the raw materials for which the disruption of supplies may have the most serious impact on the functioning of the Polish economy, the following criteria were adopted: a minimum 20% share of these countries in covering the domestic demand in 2020, and a minimum value of these imports in 2020 of 20 million PLN. These threshold conditions were met by eight raw materials: iron ores and concentrates, carbon black, potash, aluminum, ferroalloys, nickel, ball clays and refractory clays, and synthetic corundum. Among these, the need to change the directions of supplies applies to the greatest extent to iron ores and concentrates, aluminum and nickel, while in the case of non-metallic raw materials, it applies most to ball clays and refractory clays and potassium salts. These are among the most important raw materials necessary for the proper functioning of the national economy, but their shortage or disruptions in the continuity of their supplies pose a real threat to the mineral security of Poland.

PL

Niniejsza praca jest próbą określenia skali zagrożeń, wynikających z inwazji Rosji na Ukrainę w zakresie bezpieczeństwa surowcowego Polski w obszarze surowców nieenergetycznych. W szczególności ma ona na celu wskazanie tych branż przemysłu, których właściwe funkcjonowanie może być zagrożone wobec ograniczenia dostaw surowców z trzech kierunków, tj. Rosji, Białorusi i Ukrainy. Elementem analizy było również wskazanie możliwych alternatywnych źródeł zaopatrzenia w te surowce. W tym celu przeanalizowano kierunki importu do Polski około 140 surowców nieenergetycznych w latach 2011–2020. Wyłoniono około 30 surowców, których dostawy pochodziły m.in. z co najmniej jednego z trzech krajów objętych konfliktem. Do wyznaczenia surowców, dla których zakłócenie dostaw może mieć najpoważniejszy wpływ na funkcjonowanie polskiej gospodarki przyjęto następujące kryteria: minimum 20-procentowy udział wymienionych krajów w pokryciu krajowego zapotrzebowania w 2020 r. oraz minimalna wartość importu z tych krajów w 2020 r. – 20 mln zł. Warunki te spełniało 8 surowców: rudy i koncentraty żelaza, sadza, sole potasowe, aluminium, żelazostopy, nikiel, iły biało wypalające się i ogniotrwałe oraz korund syntetyczny. Wśród tych surowców konieczność zmiany kierunków dostaw dotyczy w największym stopniu rud i koncentratów żelaza oraz aluminium i niklu, a w przypadku surowców niemetalicznych – iłów biało wypalających się i ogniotrwałych oraz soli potasowych. Należą one do najważniejszych surowców niezbędnych do właściwego funkcjonowania krajowej gospodarki, natomiast niedobór bądź zakłócenia ciągłości ich dostaw oznaczają realne zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa surowcowego Polski.

15

The Formation of National Identity in Conditions of Existential Threat: The Cases of Ukraine and Taiwan

75%

Polegkyi O.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2024

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nr 3(53)

93-111

EN

Despite the distance, Ukraine and Taiwan share parallels in the domain of geopolitical struggle and identity issues. Both are experiencing an ongoing process of national identity strengthening and redefinition. External factors, such as Russia’s 2014 occupation of Crimea and the subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine and China’s increasing pressure on Taiwan, have shaped both Ukrainian and Taiwanese identities and people’s attitudes. On the one hand, this paper explores the transformation of Ukrainian identity in the wake of Russian aggression, focusing on how the invasion has influenced the strengthening of civic attachment among Ukrainians. On the other hand, we explore the development of Taiwanese identity in the context of growing distinctions from mainland China, primarily focusing on Taiwan’s ongoing democratization process and developing a self-confident national identity distinct from the mainland. The rise of Taiwanese identity coincided with growing sympathy for Taiwan’s independence. Additionally, we consider the evolving nature of civic and national identities, emphasizing their fluidity and adaptability in response to political and social complexity.

16

100 днів війни в Україні на шпальтах газети «Свобода» (США)

63%

Ripei M.

Media i Społeczeństwo

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2022

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tom 2

|

nr 17

101-107

EN

The article examine show the Svoboda newspaper (the first Ukrainian newspaper in the USA and at the same time one of the oldest in the diaspora) covers the war in Ukraine. The research took place over the period of the first 100 days of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine. Latent content analysis was chosenast he main research method. The study revealed that the Russian-Ukrainian war was mentioned in 86% of the publications (in the analysed period) which proves the topic’s extreme relevance. The following three main thematic blocks concerning the war were identified and highlighted: support of Ukraine in the fight against the enemy; the unity and brave struggle of the Ukrainian people; and the faithin victory. The studied publications can be considered a call to the world community to stop Russia's terrible war against Ukraine. They are filled with support for Ukraine and are full of great faithin the victory of the Ukrainian People. In the study, attention was also paid to the titles of the publications which usually perform the dominant function in relation to the texts them selves (in particular: «Let's stop the Russian invasion of Ukraine!», «The rushof the horde heralds its demise», «Ukraine was, is and always will be», «Ukraine will rise!», «We victors over death!»). In about 24% of the titles of the analysed publications the word «Ukraine» was present, the aim of which was to draw the attention of readers to the extremely important problem of war in Ukraine.

PL

W artykule poddano analizie sposób, w jaki gazeta «Svoboda» (pierwsza ukraińska gazeta w USA, jedna z najstarszych gazet w diasporze) opisuje wojnę na Ukrainie. Granice chronologiczne badania to pierwsze trudne 100 dni wojny Rosji z Ukrainą. Jako metodę badawczą wybrano analizę treści z wykorzystaniem kodowania ukrytego. Stwierdzono, że wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska pojawia się w 86% publikacji z badanego okresu, co świadczy o jej ogromnej aktualności. Wyróżniono trzy główne bloki tematyczne publikacji dotyczących wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej: wsparcie Ukrainy w walce z wrogiem; jedność i odważna walka narodu ukraińskiego; wiara w zwycięstwo. Publikacje te są wezwaniem społeczności światowej do wywarcia nacisków na zaprzestanie straszliwej wojny Rosji z Ukrainą, równocześnie są przepełnione poparciem dla Ukrainy i wielką wiarą w zwycięstwo narodu ukraińskiego. Dużą uwagę zwrócono na tytuły publikacji, które pełnią dominującą funkcję tekstów (w szczególności: «Powstrzymajmy rosyjską inwazję na Ukrainę!», «Napór hordy zwiastuje jej upadek», «Ukraina była, jest i zawsze będzie», «Ukraina powstanie!», «Zwyciężyliśmy śmierć!»). W około 24% tytułów publikacji dotyczących wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej pojawia się słowo «Ukraina», zwracając uwagę czytelników na ważny problem konfliktu zbrojnego na Ukrainie.

17

Особливості діяльності культурних амбасадорок, які творять позитивний імідж України у світі в умовах російсько-української війни

63%

Bila A.

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nr 33

329-336

EN

The article emphasises that public diplomacy is one of those areas and dimensions where a woman, using all her skills, can best prove herself. After all, public diplomacy really has no restrictions, reservations, templates, frameworks, clearly defined rules and canons, protocol and regulations. It can have a wide variety of manifestations, include different tools, and at the same time speak freely to any foreign-language, foreign-culture audience. Today, especially in times of war, a woman of any profession can become influential in the field of public diplomacy, and this will be valuable in helping Ukraine. However, it is now important to support Ukrainian women, open up new opportunities for development, teach public diplomacy tools, promote the potential of public diplomacy at the community level, and create special organisations, platforms, initiate discussion and expert platforms so that Ukrainian women unite, share experiences in public diplomacy, seek and find material and spiritual resources for projects, and thus feel more confident and bold - this will be invaluable to our country. Everyone can engage in public diplomacy. And in the context of Russia's current brutal war against Ukraine, it is a duty for all Ukrainians: both those who have recently been forced to move abroad and those who have long lived in exile and are part of the Ukrainian diaspora. Even those who leave Ukraine for a short time for one reason or another unwittingly become ambassadors of their country. Today, any step, contact, speech, appeal, or larger action by a Ukrainian man or a Ukrainian woman may result in the attention and positive attitude of a foreigner who is a representative of the civil society of a particular country, which in turn may provide financial or military assistance to Ukraine. However, on the other hand, public diplomacy, in my expert opinion, is not for everyone. It is, indeed, a very thorough and complex phenomenon, something that requires flair, experience, practice, knowledge, skill, mastery and considerable resources, both intellectual, spiritual and material.

UK

У статті наголошується, що публічна дипломатія – це одна з тих сфер, вимірів, де жінка, використовуючи всі свої вміння, може якнайкраще проявити себе. Адже публічна дипломатія, дійсно, не має обмежень, застережень, шаблонів, рамок, чітко визначених правил і канонів, протоколу і регламенту. Вона може мати найрізноманітніші прояви, включати різні інструменти і при цьому вільно промовляти до будь-якої іншомовної, інокультурної аудиторії. Сьогодні, особливо в умовах війни, жінки різних професій можуть стати впливовими в царині публічної дипломатії, і це буде цінно для допомоги Україні. Однак важливо нині підтримувати українське жіноцтво, відкривати нові можливості для розвитку, навчати інструментів публічної дипломатії, популяризувати потенціал публічної дипломатії на громадському рівні, а також створювати спеціальні організації, платформи, ініціювати дискусійні та експертні майданчики, аби українські діячки єдналися, обмінювалися досвідом у царині публічної дипломатії, шукали і знаходили матеріальні та духовні ресурси для проєктів, а отже, відчували себе більш впевнено та сміливо – від цього користі нашій державі буде неоціненно більше. Публічною дипломатією може займатися кожен. А в умовах нинішньої жорстокої війни Росії проти України – це обов'язок для всіх українців: і тих, які нещодавно вимушено переїхали за кордон, і тих, які давно проживають у еміграції і є частиною української діаспори. Навіть ті, хто ненадовго покидають Україну заради тих чи інших справ, мимоволі стають амбасадорами своєї держави. Бо сьогодні від будь-якого кроку, контакту, виступу, заклику чи масштабнішої дії українця й українки може залежати увага й позитивне ставлення іноземця, який є представником громадянського суспільства тієї чи іншої країни, від якої своєю чергою може залежати надання Україні фінансової чи військової допомоги. Однак, з іншого боку, публічна дипломатія, на мій експертний погляд, під силу не кожному чи кожній. Це, дійсно, дуже ґрунтовне й комплексне явище, це те, що вимагає чуття, досвіду, практики, знань, вправності, майстерності й чималих ресурсів, як інтелектуальних, духовних, так і матеріальних.

18

From an ideological war to an ideology of war: Aleksandr Dugin’s assumptions of neo-Eurasianism and their application to Russian preparations for the war against Ukraine

63%

Składanowski M.

Studia Rossica Gedanensia

|

2022

|

nr 9

175-186

PL

Artykuł porównuje główne aspekty Duginowskiego neoeurazjatyzmu z treścią dwóch ważnych tekstów opublikowanych w 2021 roku: artykułu Putina O historycznej jedności Rosjan i Ukraińców oraz nowej Strategii bezpieczeństwa narodowego FR. Teksty te można rozumieć jako część ideologicznego przygotowania do wojny przeciwko Ukrainie w 2022 roku. Obecność w nich elementów rosyjskiej ideologii nacjonalistycznej umożliwi odpowiedź na pytanie, czy neoeurazjatycka ideologia jest rzeczywistą podstawą rosyjskiej polityki neoimperialistycznej, czy też jest ona tylko użyteczną fasadą propagandową.

EN

This article compares the main aspects of Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism with the content of two important texts published in 2021: Putin’s article ‘On the historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians’ and the new National Security Strategy. These texts can be understood as part of ideological preparations for the war against Ukraine in 2022. The presence of elements of Russian nationalist ideology in these texts will make it possible to answer the question of whether the neo-Eurasian ideology is the authentic basis of Russian neo-imperialist policy or whether it is merely a useful propaganda façade.

19

Integral Assessment of the Impact on Ukraine's Environment of Military Actions in the Conditions of Russian Aggression

63%

Terebukh A. , Pankiv N. , Roik O.

Ecological Engineering & Environmental Technology

|

2023

|

tom Vol. 24, iss. 3

90--98

EN

The article outlines the current issues of environmental security in the context of the escalation of the RussianUkrainian war. The purpose of the study is to assess the risks associated with environmental hazards in the context of the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The article provides an overview of implementations of the economic mechanism of environmental risk assessment and provides quantitative characteristics of integrated threat assessments that characterize the environmental security of the regions of Ukraine. According to the results of the assessment of the integral indicator of ecological danger, the regions of Ukraine are grouped according to the level of safety. Estimated values are identified according to the proposed numerical range of environmental risk values. The obtained results indicate that the regions of Ukraine differ in terms of the integral indicator of ecological danger. To assess the danger of anthropogenic impact on human and environmental safety, the following environmental safety risk assessments were calculated.

20

Wyzwania dla rosyjskiego kompleksu przemysłowo-obronnego związane z wojną na Ukrainie

63%

Zuzankiewicz P.

Kwartalnik Bellona

|

2023

|

tom Nr 4

15--32

PL

W lutym 2022 roku konflikt zbrojny Federacji Rosyjskiej z Ukrainą przekształcił się w pełnoskalową wojnę. Jej ostateczne rozstrzygnięcie, mimo ponad dwóch lat intensywnych walk, nadal jest niepewne. Dla dalszego przebiegu wojny istotne znaczenie ma zdolność Federacji Rosyjskiej do zabezpieczenia potrzeb jej sił zbrojnych, szczególnie zaś tempo dostarczania sprzętu wojskowego oraz amunicji. W artykule przeanalizowano, w jaki sposób rosyjska agresja na Ukrainę wpłynęła na rosyjski kompleks przemysłowo-obronny. Na podstawie analizy źródeł podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy mimo międzynarodowych sankcji gospodarczych rosyjski przemysł obronny utrzymuje zdolność do zaspokojenia zwiększonych potrzeb sił zbrojnych w sposób zapewniający kontynuację wysiłku zbrojnego.

EN

In February 2022, the armed conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine escalated into a full-scale war. Despite more than two years of intense fighting, the final resolution of the conflict remains uncertain. The timely supply of military equipment and ammunition is crucial for the Russian Federation’s ability to sustain its armed forces and continue the war effort. The article examines the effects of Russian aggression against Ukraine on the Russian military-industrial complex. Based on the sources analysis, the author aims to determine whether the Russian defense industry can satisfy, despite the imposition of international economic sanctions, growing demands of Russian armed forces, and thus ensure the continuity of the military campaign.