Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Przeciwstawne cechy, sprzeczności, kontrowersyjne tezy i zbyt swobodny język - czyli jaki Sulla, taka jego biografia [rec. Łukasz Schreiber: Sulla 138-78 p.n.e. Zabrze-Tarnowskie Góry 2013]

100%

Rogosz N.

Wieki Stare i Nowe

|

2015

|

tom 8

|

nr 13

141-160

EN

The review article is devoted to the book of Łukasza Schreiber Sulla 138-78 p.n.e, publiseh in 2013 in Zabrze and Tarnowskie Góry.

PL

Przedmiotem artykułu recenzyjnego jest książka Łukasza Schreibera Sulla 138-78 p.n.e., Zabrze-Tarnowskie Góry 2013.

2

Roman Arbitration in the Greek Oikumene in the Third–Second Century BCE: Some Observations

100%

Piegdoń M.

|

2018

|

tom 25

27-46

EN

Rome’s expansion in the Hellenistic world had an impact on the use of various instruments of diplomacy by the Romans, including arbitration, commonly used by and popular among the Greeks. The Romans did not have the desire to become arbitrators of the Greek world, but it was important to them to take advantage of the situation they encountered there and to achieve their goals. The Greeks, who had been used to employing various, more or less sophisticated, diplomatic instruments, saw the Roman Republic, a new player in their world, in the same way as the other large and mighty powers which could be appealed to as arbitrators. Rome did not become an arbitrator in Greek matters of its own will, but due to the fact that the Greek world itself appointed it to this role when it replaced the Hellenistic monarchies. The Romans became involved in solving disputes in the Greek world only when they had to. Despite being offered this role, the Senate had no intention of being an “arbitration court” for the conflicted Greek states. Roman arbitrators acted on the basis of the authority given to them by the Senate (senatus consulta), which fi rst became familiar with the cause of the dispute. Disputes were usually solved by Roman officials (proconsul, governor) or specially delegated legates and decemviri with prepared instructions which gave them the authority to solve the matter on the spot and to enforce the decisions they made. The procedure applied both to the Greek world and to the western part of the Mediterranean Sea, where Rome held power (North Africa, Italy). However, what differentiated the arbitration in Italy and the western part of Rome’s dominion from the one in the Greek world was the Republic appointing other Greek states (poleis or leagues) to arbitrate on its behalf. When deciding to arbitrate, the Romans were usually not interested in the history of the dispute, but solved the disagreement or conflict on the basis of the status quo, without going into the details of who had been right previously. This was different from the rules of arbitration in the Greek world, where earlier mediation was taken into consideration. Perhaps this was a result of the difference between the Roman and the Greek worlds in terms of property right. The Roman law of property had an important distinction between legal ownership of a thing (dominium or proprietas), called property right, and the actual possession of a thing (possessio). For the Republic, this approach made it easier to side with their allies participating in a dispute, even if they were wrong. This attitude mainly protected the interests of the allied state, unless it was beneficial to Rome to act against them.

3

Coloniam deducere. Colonisation as an Instrument of the Roman Policy of Domination in Italy in the 3rd and 2nd Centuries BC, as Illustrated by Settlements in the Ager Gallicus and Picenum

88%

Piegdoń M.

|

tom 20

117–141

EN

This article is an attempt to present the role of colonisation in the Roman policy of expansion towards its Italian neighbours in the 3rd–2nd BCE and showing the effects of this phenomenon, as illustrated by settlements in the Ager Gallicus and Picenum. Information on the founded colonies in sources, appearing somewhat on the margins of accounts of military activities and diplomatic missions in Italy (foedera), but also connected with the internal policy conducted by Rome (grants of land), may indicate that colonisation complemented such activities. This complementary character of the process of colonisation in relation to other political, military, diplomatic, and internal activities seems to be an important feature of the Republic’s activities.

4

When Did Pompey the Great Engage in his imitatio Alexandri?

88%

Kopij K.

Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization

|

2017

|

tom 21

119-141

EN

The aim of this article is to revisit the issue of Pompey the Great’s imitatio Alexandri, especially the timetable for its beginnings and development. Previous studies of the subject have indicated that either the Roman general was involved in imitating the Macedonian king since his youth, or he did not do so at all. Meanwhile, this article presents evidence indicating that the most likely scenario implies that the image of Pompey as the Roman Alexander was created during his eastern campaign against Mithridates. Moreover, it was probably Theophanes of Mytilene, Pompey’s friend and trusted advisor, who developed this theme. Additionally, there is evidence indicating that Pompey tried to limit the use of imitatio Alexandri primarily to the eastern parts of the Roman Empire, fearing that an ambiguous perception of Alexander in Rome would harm his image.

5

Caecilii Metelli i Sulla. Sojusznicy czy rywale?

75%

Ładoń T.

Roczniki Humanistyczne

|

2018

|

tom 66

|

nr 3: Filologia klasyczna

189-205

EN

The aim of the author of the article was to examine the relations between L. Cornelius Sulla and Caecilii Metelli, one of the most eminent Roman aristocratic families in the Roman Republic. The beginning of cooperation between Sulla and the Metelli dates back to the nineties of the 1st Century BC. At the time, the Metelli supported Sulla’s political career, seeing him as a counterweight to the influence of Gaius Marius in the state. The marriage of Sulla and Caecilia Metella was the formal confirmation of the nascent alliance. During the First Civil War (88-82 BC) the Metelli took the side of Sulla. It was particularly visible during the war in Italy in the years 83-82 BC. Metellus Pius, in particular, had a large share in Sulla's victory. He not only had a number of military successes, but also supported Sulla with authority, which increased his popularity. The most controversial is the relationship between Caecilii Metelli and Sula during the dictatorship and just after its end. It seems that the relations of the existing allies then gradually cooled down. The revival of the Republic by Sulla resulted in a return to political strifes in Rome, and the Metellan factio played a major role in them. In the previously consolidated Sulla camp, opposition to Sulla began to arise, and the Metelli became an important part of it. They gradually influenced the weakening of Sulla's power, and Sulla, perhaps discouraged by the increasingly effective opposition, withdrew from politics and from Rome.

PL

Celem autora artykułu było zbadanie relacji, jakie łączyły L. Korneliusza Sullę z Cecyliuszami Metellusami, jednym z najwybitniejszych rzymskich rodów arystokratycznych w okresie Republiki. Początek współpracy Sulli z Metellusami datować można na lata dziewięćdziesiąte I wieku przed Chr. Metellusowie wspierali wówczas karierę polityczną Sulli, widząc w nim przeciwwagę dla wpływów Gajusza Mariusza w państwie. Formalnym poświadczeniem rodzącego się sojuszu stało się małżeństwo Sulli z Cecylią Metellą. W okresie pierwszej wojny domowej (88-82 przed Chr.) Caecilii Metelli stanęli po stronie Sulli. Szczególnie mocno widoczne było to w trakcie działań wojennych w Italii w latach 83-82 przed Chr. Duży udział w zwycięstwie Sulli miał zwłaszcza Metellus Pius, który nie tylko odniósł szereg sukcesów militarnych, ale także wsparł Sullę autorytetem, co wpłynęło na wzrost popularności Sulli. Najwięcej kontrowersji budzą stosunki Caecilii Metelli z Sullą w okresie dyktatury i tuż po jej zakończeniu. Wydaje się, że relacje dotychczasowych sojuszników ulegały wówczas stopniowemu ochłodzeniu. Odnowienie Republiki przez Sullę spowodowało powrót do rozgrywek politycznych w Rzymie, a factio Metellusów grała w nich główną rolę. W skonsolidowanym dotąd obozie sullańskim zaczęła powstawać opozycja wobec Sulli, a Metellusowie stali się jej istotną częścią. Stopniowo wpływali oni na osłabianie władzy Sulli, który, być może zniechęcony coraz skuteczniejszą opozycją, wycofał się z polityki i z Rzymu.

6

Senatus Consultum Ultimum - State of Emergency in Ancient Rome

63%

Świrgoń-Skok R. , Pięta-Szawara A.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2021

|

nr 6 (64)

543-553

PL

W niniejszym opracowaniu zostanie przybliżona senatus consultum ultimum, tj. ostateczna uchwała senatu podejmowana w momentach nadzwyczajnego zagrożenia rzymskiej republiki. Postaram odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jaka była legalność ustrojowa takich uchwał, ponadto wskazać ich przesłanki oraz skutki wydania. Senatus consultum ultimum było bowiem najpotężniejszą bronią rzymskiego senatu w walce przeciwko wewnętrznym wrogom politycznym w późnej republice, dlatego wyjaśnienia wymaga, czy SCU było zgodnym z prawem środkiem służącym ochronie państwa czy dbało tylko o polityczne samostanowienie senatu i optymatów.

EN

This paper presents the senatus consultum ultimum, i.e., the final resolution of the senate passed in moments of extraordinary danger to the Roman Republic. We answer the question what was the legitimacy of such resolutions and indicate their rationale and the effects of their issuance. Senatus consultum ultimum was the most powerful weapon of the Roman senate in the fight against internal political enemies in the late republic, so it needs to be clarified whether the SCU was a legitimate measure to protect the state or it cared only for the political self-determination of the senate and the optimates.

7

Famae petitor. Lucan’s Portrayal of Pompey.

63%

Pypłacz J.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

|

2014

|

tom 24

|

nr 2

97-118

PL

In spite of the fact that Lucan’s sympathies are apparently with the Republicans, his attitude to Pompey, which emerges from the Pharsalia, turns out to be rather critical. Moreover, this criticism actually comes very close to ridicule. Lucan depicts Pompey as a senile and narcissistic leader who dwells on his past success and lives in the world of his own fantasies. Trapped in the vicious circle of his delusions of grandeur, he is rather grotesque than majestic. The harder he tries to enhance his public image, the more pathetic he becomes both in the eyes of his friends and in those of his enemies. The effects of his efforts are, therefore, quite contrary to their purpose. On the one hand, the figure of the senile and deluded Pompey is the caricature of the decaying Roman Republic, whose degeneracy it obviously mirrors. On the other hand, however, Lucan’s grotesque anti-hero is the exact opposite of archetypal epic characters such as Virgil’s Aeneas. Willing yet unable to emulate his literary predecessors, he functions as the caricature of the literary paradigm of a standard epic hero.

8

Centurionowie Cezara: elita legionów czy kreacja literacka?

63%

Faszcza M. N.

Wieki Stare i Nowe

|

2021

|

tom 16

|

nr 21

71-92

EN

One of the distinctive features of Caesar’s narrative about wars was the praise he bestowed on the merits of his centurions. The question arises why he promoted this category of soldiers and whether source analysis confirms the plausibility of their combat achievements. Michał Norbert Faszcza has collected and examined the relevant information contained in the extant written sources in an attempt not only to find confirmation of Caesar’s claims in the context of the growing importance of the centurions in the 1st century BCE, but also to ponder the reason for Caesar’s use this type of literary device. The centurions are a genuine symbol of Caesar’s army, and therefore this theme is of key importance for the reconstruction of the internal relations in his legions.

PL

Jedną z charakterystycznych cech narracji Cezara poświęconej toczonym przez niego wojnom jest eksponowanie zasług centurionów. Rodzi to pytanie, z jakiego powodu promował akurat tę kategorię żołnierzy i czy w świetle analizy źródłowej ich dokonania bojowe mogą zostać uznane za wiarygodne. Autor podjął próbę zestawienia informacji zawartych w zachowanych przekazach, starając się nie tylko znaleźć potwierdzenie opisów Cezara w kontekście wzrostu znaczenia centurionów w I wieku przed Chr., lecz także uzyskać odpowiedź dotyczącą możliwego powodu zastosowania tego typu zabiegu literackiego. Centurionowie uchodzą za prawdziwy symbol cezariańskiej armii, dlatego temat ten ma istotne znaczenie z punktu widzenia rekonstrukcji stosunków wewnętrznych panujących w legionach ówczesnego prokonsula.

9

Judean Piracy, Judea and Parthia, and the Roman Annexation of Judea: The Evidence of Pompeius Trogus

63%

Atkinson K.

|

2022

|

tom 29

127-145

EN

Pompey the Great’s 63 BCE conquest of the Jewish kingdom known as the Hasmonean State has traditionally been viewed as an inevitable event since the Roman Republic had long desired to annex the Middle Eastern nations. The prevailing consensus is that the Romans captured the Hasmonean state, removed its high-priest kings from power, and made its territory part of the Republic merely through military force. However, Justin’s Epitome of the Philippic Histories of Pompeius Trogus is a neglected source of new information for understanding relations between the Romans and the Jews at this time. Trogus’s brief account of this period alludes to a more specific reason, or at least, circumstance for Pompey’s conquest of Judea. His work contains evidence that the Jews were involved in piracy, of the type the Republic had commissioned Pompey to eradicate. In addition to this activity that adversely affected Roman commercial interests in the Mediterranean, the Jews were also involved with the Seleucid Empire and the Nabatean Arabs, both of whom had dealings with the Parthians. Piracy, coupled with Rome’s antagonism towards the Parthians, negatively impacted the Republic’s attitude towards the Jews. Considering the evidence from Trogus, Roman fears of Jewish piracy and Jewish links to the Republic’s Parthian enemies were not unfounded.

10

Karl Christ i Rzym nieprzemijający…

63%

Mrozewicz L.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

|

2015

|

nr 11

261-279

PL

Karl Christ belonged to the most eminent German historians of the ancient Rome of the latter half of the 20th century. He was particularly interested in the Roman Empire and its place in the European history. This was vividly reflected in his “Geschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit”, which had as many as six editions in Germany. The book conveys the conviction that the history of the Roman Empire constitutes a fundament of contemporary Europe, regardless of the assessment it received over the centuries, which was often very negative. Karl Christ believed that in our times, Roman Empire acquires a new meaning in view of the unification of Europe. Naturally enough, this engenders the question whether a similar process had taken place in the past, whether there is a model of unity and if so, whether it has a chance of being successful. It turns out that the Roman Empire, despite its weaknesses and drawbacks, can be the only point of reference, regardless of the ways in which Europe is “unified”. The observation is also applied in a broader perspective which extends beyond Europe. This is associated with the ongoing globalisation, which in its turn provokes questions about a similar phenomenon in the past, and almost automatically evokes the example of the Roman Empire. Therefore Christ decided to provide the reader with a comprehensive compendium of knowledge of the Roman Empire in a structural-dialectic approach, so as to facilitate the understanding of persistence of the ancient realm and its impact on European history, at the same time enabling one to arrive at its spiritual and cultural roots. Christ wished to acquaint the contemporary inhabitant of our continent with the dialectics of development of the Roman world, its structural evolution, internal social and cultural diffusion and finally the development of culture in all its manifestations. The historian believed that only in this fashion, i.e. not only through history of persons and events, based on sensational elements, can one appreciate the place of the Roman Empire in the developmental sequence of the European continent and its significance for the contemporary cultural shape of Europe. This is also reflected in Christ’s studies on the history of historiography, or the image of the history of ancient Rome and the specificity of the Roman Empire that had been created by various authors over the centuries. This is also where he undertook the effort to evaluate the positions assumed by German historians in the Nazi times and during the Communist era, in the German Democratic Republic. Nonetheless, the studies of history of historiography were only a means to an end, which was to promote the awareness of the importance of the Roman world, or Mediterranean civilisation as a whole, for the contemporary European culture as well as highlight its persisting influence. In Christ’s opinion, it is that “dialogue of a historian with history” which demonstrates to the fullest extent the dialectic bond between antiquity and the present day.słowa klucze

11

Reformy Mariusza, czyli długie trwanie historiograficznego mitu

63%

Faszcza M. N.

Res Historica

|

2021

|

nr 51

EN

Most authors writing about the so-called Marian reforms do not try to trace the process of shaping the discourse devoted to their course. Meanwhile, drawing attention to the way this issue was presented by nineteenth-century scholars provides additional arguments to support the belief that the traditional vision is misguided. Considering the fact that none of the ancient authors had mentioned the Marian reforms, the theory is based on the creative interpretation of several fragments of preserved ancient literary sources. After some years the suggestive vision had presented once by C. C. L. Lange was raised to the rank of dogma by his epigones (Wilhelm Rüstow, Hans Delbrück, Georg Veith) and recognized as finally proven, although he was fully aware of its speculative nature. The worsening knowledge of German language additionally contributed to the marginalization of views created by scholars from the turn of 19th and 20th centuries. After the end of World War II, deconstruction of the existence of Marian reforms was carried out, although the arguments presented by its critics seem to be incomplete without taking into account one of the most important arguments resulting from a historiographic analysis: how the conviction about the existence of Marian reforms became widely accepted by the authors of books devoted to the history of ancient Rome.

PL

Większość autorów piszących o tzw. reformach Mariusza nie zadaje sobie trudu, aby prześledzić proces kształtowania się poświęconego im dyskursu. Tymczasem zwrócenie uwagi na sposób prezentowania tego zagadnienia przez dziewiętnastowiecznych badaczy dostarcza dodatkowych argumentów służących poparciu przekonania o błędności wizji zakorzenionej w literaturze tematu. Zważywszy na fakt, że żaden z antycznych autorów nie wspomniał o przeprowadzeniu reform przez Mariusza, teoria ta opiera się na twórczej interpretacji kilku passusów zaczerpniętych z zachowanych przekazów antycznych. Z czasem sugestywna wizja przedstawiona przez C.C.L. Langego została podniesiona dzięki autorytetowi jego epigonów (Wilhelm Rüstow, Hans Delbrück, Georg Veith) do rangi dogmatu i uznana za ostatecznie dowiedzioną, choć jej autor w pełni zdawał sobie sprawę ze spekulatywności własnych rozważań. Postępujący zanik znajomości języka niemieckiego dodatkowo przyczynił się do marginalizacji poglądów badaczy tworzących na przełomie XIX i XX w. Po zakończeniu II wojny światowej dokonano dekonstrukcji przekonania o istnieniu reform Mariusza, choć argumenty przedstawione przez jego krytyków wydają się dalece niepełne bez uwzględnienia jednej z najważniejszych przesłanek wynikającej z analizy historiograficznej, a mianowicie drogi prowadzącej do pojawienia się przekonania o istnieniu reform Mariusza w dziełach poświęconych dziejom starożytnego Rzymu.

12

Kampania wyborcza – uwagi politologa o genezie idei

51%

Nieć M.

Roczniki Nauk Społecznych

|

2012

|

tom 4(40)

|

nr 3

11-32

EN

This paper presents an analysis of how the concept and the practice of electoral campaign has developed throughout the ages; since the times of the Athenian democracy until the contemporary democratic or authoritarian state. In his analytical study, the author focuses on the Athenian democracy, the Roman Republic, the Polish Nobility state and the contemporary representative democracy of the United States of America. The author makes a distinction between the election and the electoral campaign and specifies the factors that underlie the distinction. The election was well-known in the Classical and the Modern-Time periods, whereas the phenomenon of electoral campaign comes into view no sooner that the modern times, with the growth of mass political parties and mass press journalism. The text also specifies what the political (systemic) criteria must be met for the electoral campaign to take place. The difference between the propaganda-based political campaign and the electoral campaign is described and the latter concept is defined.

13

Les transferts et les remplois de l’art grec à Rome dans l’Antiquité et le cas de Lucius Mummius

51%

Kaderka K.

Studia Hercynia

|

2022

|

tom 26

|

nr 1

117-132

FR

Le butin d’art représentait massivement entre la fin du iiie siècle av. J.-C. et le i er siècle ap. J.-C. dans l’espace public de la capitale romaine la mémoire d’une domination territoriale, associée à l’appropriation culturelle des territoires conquis. L’aspect esthétique n’y était pas négligeable, car c’est lui qui entraîna les appropria tions d’art grec d’ordre privé. Certains passages textuels relatent et critiquent le maniement des œuvres d’art grecques apportées comme une partie du butin de guerre par Lucius Mummius Achaïcus après sa destruction de Corinthe en 146 av. J.-C., en y soulignant son côté inculte. En s’intéressant aux transformations faites sur d’autres pièces d’art grecques acquises par les Romains, on tentera de réévaluer les critiques sur l’homme politique dans le cadre des pratiques sociales romaines.

EN

The spoils of art represented massively between the end of the 3rd century BC and the 1st century AD in the public space of the Roman capital the memory of a territorial domination, associated with cultural appropri ation of the conquered territories. The aesthetic aspect was not negligible, as it drew the appropriations of Greek art in the private sphere. Some textual passages recount and criticize the handling of Greek artworks brought as part of the spoils of war by Lucius Mummius Achaicus after his destruction of Corinth in 146 BC, while underlining his uncultivated behaviour. By looking at the transformations made on other pieces of Greek art acquired by the Romans, we will try to reevaluate the criticism of the statesman in the context of Roman social practices.