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EN
The goal of this article is to analyse the phenomenon of Velar Softening in English within the nonderivational framework of Optimality Theory. It is argued that earlier approaches, including the traditional OT model which incorporates purely phonological constraints and a single-UR approach to allomorphy, fail to account for the process in question in a satisfactory manner. Instead, it is claimed that Velar Softening can be explained in terms of the OT model which adopts a multiple-input view on allomorphy as well as the idea of morpho-phonological constraints. Thus, the paper offers a novel and more adequate analysis of this process.
EN
This paper examined the relationship between perception and production by conducting experiments on 20 Japanese learners’ acquisition of English word stress. Specifically, the paper investigated whether Japanese EFL learners’ acquisition of English word stress was affected by factors such as syntactic category (noun vs. adjective) and suffix type (level 1 vs. level 2 suffixes), as well as word type (real vs. nonce word). Overall, Japanese learners’ perception accuracy was higher than their production accuracy, confirming the precedence of perception over production across the factors examined, similar to the results of Korean EFL learners in Lee (2006, 2007). However, rather different learner variation patterns emerged between Japanese and Korean EFL learners. The precedence relationship as well as different learner variation patterns was accounted for by the perception-production model proposed by Pater (2004) within Optimality Theory. Implications of the proposed analysis for language acquisition and lexical representations were further discussed.
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tom 13
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nr 2
162-178
EN
The problem of opacity presents a challenge for generative phonology. This paper examines the process of Nasal Assimilation in Polish rendered opaque by the process of Vowel Deletion in Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 1993), which currently is a dominating model for phonological analysis. The opaque interaction of the two processes exposes the inadequacy of standard Optimality Theory arising from the fact that standard OT is a non-derivational theory. It is argued that only by introducing intermediate levels can Optimality Theory deal with complex cases of opaque interactions.
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Content available remote Teorie optimality a slovotvorba
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nr 1
36-48
EN
The present article is a brief overview of some of the papers that have recently attempted to apply Optimality Theory to word-formation. After an introduction to the main ideas of OT, a survey of some of the most important constraints on word-formation processes is presented. Against the background of two French nouns, avionneur and campaniste, widely discussed in Dal & Namer (2005) and J. Štichauer (2006), respectively, it is argued that an OT account that would go beyond the well-established phonological constraints, trying to integrate some of the semantic ones, would encounter problems. In fact, it is not clear under what ranking and under what exact constraints other possible outputs (e.g. avionniste versus avionneur, campanier versus campaniste) are to be evaluated. Nevertheless, the idea of constraint interaction, based on a ranking of violable restrictions, is emphasized as an interesting framework quite different from the classic rule/exception dichotomy.
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Content available remote The Problem of the Russian Labial Fricatives: WhyVis Different
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EN
This paper offers a new account of the ambiguous sonorant/obstruent behaviour displayed by the labial continuant v in Russian. This classic case of phonological opacity has been the subject of much debate in the literature. Derivational analyses advanced so far have proved unsatisfactory. It is argued that a coherent explanation for this phenomenon is provided by Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993), where the indeterminate sonorant/obstruent behaviour of v is derived from the interplay of independent constraints. The analysis developed in this paper relies on the assumption that v is represented as the laryngeally unspecified sonorant /w/ in the underlying representation. On the surface, /w/ strengthens to the obstruent [v] but, unlike "regular" sonorants, does not receive the [+voice] specification by Sonorant Default. As a result, the output [v] lacks the laryngeal specification and so cannot affect the adjacent obstruent. The assumption that the output [v] remains unspecified for voice makes it possible to explain the fact that v can undergo but not trigger Voice Assimilation.
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Content available The Vowel System of Podhale Goralian
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tom 17
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nr 2
105-126
EN
This paper is a report on the phonological research done in the past two years investigating Podhale Goralian. The data are drawn from our informants in Dzianisz. The paper establishes the system of surface contrasts in Goralian and identifies instances of complementary distribution. It is claimed that the renowned Podhale Archaism is no longer represented by the vowel [i]. Rather, the vowel has retracted to the central vowel [ɨ]. The original [ɨ], on the other hand, has lowered and fronted and is now best regarded as tense [e]. These transitions of vowels pose challenges for a phonological analysis. A sample of such analysis (Final Tensing) is shown in the framework of Optimality Theory.
EN
This paper compares and contrasts the theories of Natural Phonology, Optimality Theory and Phonology as Human Behavior from diverse theoretical and methodological aspects including: the interaction between the opposing forces of markedness (the human factor) and faithfulness (the communication factor); the sentence-oriented versus sign-oriented approaches; and the concepts of naturalistic versus generative research paradigms. Despite these basic differences, similarities are also found in their shared functional basis which is discussed in the context of the natural phonological processes of Natural Phonology. I will further show how each theory views the notion of language universals. The concepts of combinatory phonology, phonotactics, and diachronic, developmental and clinical phonology will be discussed as measures of defining and determining the concept of language universals. The author maintains that biological, physiological, cognitive, psychological, sociological and other universals of human behavior are merely reflected in language rather than being specific "language universals" per se.
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Content available remote Opaque Allomorphy in OT: Candidate Chains vs. Derivational Optimality Theory
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EN
This article investigates the opacity in allomorphic processes in the masculine nominative plural of Polish nouns. It is shown that the discussed cases of allomorphy are opaque. Subsequently, it is examined whether Optimality Theory can account for the opacity in the Polish data and concluded that parallel evaluation is unable to handle the relevant examples. Next, the problem is reanalyzed within the theory of candidate chains in order to determine whether the theory is capable of providing a non-derivational account. However, this version of Optimality Theory fails to achieve the attested output. It is concluded that candidate chains are unable to handle the opaque generalizations. Finally, the non-derivational account is juxtaposed with Derivational Optimality Theory in order to prove that Optimality Theory must admit derivational levels.
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EN
The paper intends to describe various rhotic phenomena within a unified phonological framework of Optimality Theory. This description encompasses “standard” rhotic phenomena, such as linking and intrusive r. Additionally both hyper- and hypo-rhoticity are discussed. The paper serves primarily two points. First, it proves practical workability of constraint mechanism, as proposed by Optimality Theory. Second, it presents an integrated account of seemingly unrelated phonological facts observed in various accents of English. The paper discusses also previous accounts of rhoticity in English in connection with an attempt of presenting solid evidence for the choice of underlying forms. Furthermore two competing theoretical descriptions of rhotic insertions (epenthesis vs. gliding/spreading) are compared and evaluated. Finally, the spreading account is shown to be formally superior to the anti-hiatus approach. Moreover, the paper demonstrates a way in which r-liaison might be incorporated in the synchronic grammar of non-rhotic accents. Simply put, r-liaison could be perceived as another instantiation of VSPREAD conspiracy, where vowels tend to spread their melodic content onto the following segments. The OT machinery was also employed to account for the differences between various subtypes of non-rhotic accents, in terms of re-ranking of several constraints. The peculiar phenomena of hyper-rhoticity have, too, been demonstrated to fit the proposal.
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Content available remote Formal is Natural: Toward an Ecological Phonology
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EN
Naturalism Phonology (NP) has a history of opposition to abstractness, to generative linguistics, to formalist approaches, and differs from these in its strong focus on external rather than distributional, structural evidential domains. But evidence domains are orthogonal to empirical and formal methods, and, like formalist theories such as Optimality Theory (OT), the pedigree of NP includes structuralist and generative phonology. In an analysis which is sympathetic to both NP and OT, this contribution examines the relation between NP and OT, analyses a classic OT case study of syllabification in Tashlhiyt Berber, and presents computational linguistic analyses of this case, as well as of English syllable phonotactics and of tone language tonotactics. The contribution advocates an opening towards these methods, and the adoption of explicit, consistent, precise, complete and sound formal criteria for theories, which enable an exact interpretation in terms of operational models and computational implementations, and practical applications. The general frame of reference is a the Ecological Cycle in theory formation, from clarification of the domain through theory construction, interpretation with a model, evaluation and application in the original evidential domain, with payback to the language community from which the evidence was gained.
EN
Sequences of affricates followed by homorganic fricatives are simplified to affricates in preconsonantal context in Polish. Similarly, geminates are reduced in this environment, which results from the fact that length distinction is not licensed in this position. Despite common motivation, the two types of reduction cannot be handled by the same rule. Unlike geminates, sequences of affricates and fricatives cannot undergo the process of degemination. However, the simplification is motivated by the phonetic adjacency of identical fricative portions, which leads to a conclusion that the rule belongs to the domain of phonetic implementation. Therefore, an Optimality Theoretic solution is aided by the theory of Articulatory Phonology, which can capture the phonetic facts of reduction processes.
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Content available Nasal vowels in Kurpian
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nr XXXI
57-72
PL
Niniejszy artykuł dowodzi, że kurpiowskie nosowe szwa, jak np. w gę̈ sty, zapisywane literą ę̈, pochodzi historycznie z samogłoski krótkiej ą, wymawianej jako nosowe [a], czyli jako [ã], w polszczyźnie XV w. Natomiast kurpiowskie nosowe [õ], jak np. w wąs, zapisywane literą ą pochodzi z samogłoski długiej ą, wymawianej jako nosowe å, czyli jako [ɑ̃ ], w polszczyźnie XVI w. Dzisiejsze kurpiowskie nosowe szwa, lepiej niż ę w języku ogólnopolskim, odzwierciedla stan literackiej polszczyzny mówionej w XVI w. Analiza formalna przeprowadzona w ramach teorii fonologii generatywnej stawia hipotezę, że nie tylko w kurpiowskim, lecz także w polszczyźnie literackiej XVII w. ą wymawiane było jako [õ] z zamkniętym o, a n ie jako [ɔ̃] z otwartym o, tak jak ma to miejsce w dzisiejszym języku ogólnopolskim. Ogólnie rzecz biorąc, odnotować trzeba, że występuje uderzające podobieństwo pomiędzy system samogłoskowym dzisiejszej kurpiowszczyzny a systemem samogłoskowym polszczyzny literackiej XVI w., por. punkty (1) i (6). W dalszej części artykułu przeprowadzona jest analiza alternacji obejmujących samogłoski nosowe w dzisiejszej kurpiowszczyźnie.
EN
This paper investigates the problem of nasal vowels in Kurpian. It is argued that Kurpian nasal schwa, as in gę̈ sty, comes historically from lax nasal ą [ã] that was used in Polish in the 15th c. Kurpian tense [õ], as in wąsy, comes historically from tense nasal ą [ɑ̃] that occurred in Polish in the 16th c. Nasal vowels and their alternations in modern Kurpian are analyzed in terms of Derivational Optimality Theory. Noteworthy here are the processes of Nasal Shift and Nasal Decomposition.
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Content available *Hydra, Nasality and Palatalization in Polish
51%
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2022
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tom 17
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nr 4
177-216
PL
Artykuł postuluje, iż kształt reprezentacji segmentów mowy w językach świata jest regulowany przez aktywność zasady *Hydra, która wskazuje jako nacechowane takie reprezentacje segmentalne, w których więcej niż jeden element pełni funkcję elementu nadrzędnego. W artykule wykazujemy, iż w językach takich jak francuski czy portugalski zasada *Hydra ma decydujący wpływ zarówno na kształt inwentarza samogłosek nosowych, jak i na wyniki pewnych procesów fonologicznych. Równocześnie zachowanie samogłosek nosowych w języku joruba wskazuje na nieabsolutną naturę zasady *Hydra. W języku polskim aktywność tej zasady jest niezbędna do zrozumienia zjawiska braku zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych w kontekście samogłoski nosowej /ɛ/͂ oraz mechanizmów odpowiedzialnych za fakt, iż morfonologiczne zmiękczenia spółgłosek tylnojęzykowych, wargowych i zębowych mają miejsce w kontekście tych samych przyrostków słowotwórczych.
EN
The paper proposes that the phonological make-up of segments is influenced by the activity of the constraint *Hydra, which penalizes the presence of more than one headed element per one phonological expression. *Hydra influences the shape of the inventories and the phonological behaviour of nasal vowels in languages such as French and Brazilian Portuguese. At the same time, the behaviour of nasal vowels in Yoruba shows that *Hydra a violable constraint. In Polish, the high ranking of *Hydra proves necessary to account for the absence of Surface Velar Palatalization before the front nasal vowel /ɛ/. It also allows us to formulate a unified account of the 1st Velar and Anterior Palatalization, which have very different structural descriptions but take place before the same set of derivational affixes.
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