Nowa wersja platformy, zawierająca wyłącznie zasoby pełnotekstowe, jest już dostępna.
Przejdź na https://bibliotekanauki.pl
Ograniczanie wyników
Czasopisma help
Lata help
Autorzy help
Preferencje help
Widoczny [Schowaj] Abstrakt
Liczba wyników

Znaleziono wyników: 74

Liczba wyników na stronie
first rewind previous Strona / 4 next fast forward last
Wyniki wyszukiwania
Wyszukiwano:
w słowach kluczowych:  Muslims
help Sortuj według:

help Ogranicz wyniki do:
first rewind previous Strona / 4 next fast forward last
EN
Relations between the Sublime Porte and the Archbishopric of Ohrid in the 18th century (reasons for rapprochement and estrangement)Non-canonical abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric on May 17, 1767 is an act that made deep impact in Macedonian history. The abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric, conducted at the discretion of the Constantinople Patriarchate – is the key axis around which present denials of Macedonian Church revolve together with the denial of historical cultural tradition of Macedonian nation, Macedonian territories and Macedonian name. As a result of this situation, from today’s perspective, we are given the opportunity to highlight the raising of Macedonian question, which unfortunately hasn’t been resolved primarily due to the politics of our neighbours.Since the abolishment occurred during the Ottoman rule in Macedonia, the subject matter results from it as well as the consideration of relations between the Sublime Porte and the Ohrid Archbishopric. Ever since the 14th century Macedonia was territorially and administratively under the Sublime Porte, where as spiritually it was independent (as of the 10th century). The Porte not interfering with the autocephaly of Ohrid Archbishopric provided a range of benefits to the development of Macedonian medieval written tradition (notably by scriptor centers), the continued development of Slavic church services, the development of other cultural spheres as well as preservation of Macedonian folk language and Macedonian beat.The key turning point in deteriorated relationship between the Archbishopric and the Porte occurred in the late 17th or early 18th century, when the Porte was highly engaged in European political and military events, when its economic power declined, when phanariotes strengthened their positions as Constantinople Patriarchate and in the external and internal politics of the Ottoman empire. Their propaganda against Ohrid church superiors was so successful that triggered frequent replacement of archbishops, their financial power was so great that they became leaders in trade on the Balkans, Russia and Europe, they acquired range of privileges, one of the key being that they were official interpreters – dragomen in negotiations between the Porte and European powers. They used it all to achieve their political goal – abolition of the Ohrid Archbishopric, an act through which they tended to realize their Megali Idea for the process of which they began assimilation that interfered with church services, cultural heritage, language, identity and the territory of Macedonian people.  Relacje pomiędzy Wysoką Portą a arcybiskupstwem ochrydzkim w XVIII wieku (powody zacieśniania i rozluźniania wzajemnych stosunków) Niekanoniczna likwidacja arcybiskupstwa ochrydzkiego 17 maja 1767 roku okazała się wydarzeniem brzemiennym w skutki dla historii Macedonii. Decyzja patriarchatu w Carogrodzie o jego likwidacji stała się punktem odniesienia, wokół którego koncentrują się problemy współczesności – negowanie istnienia Macedońskiego Kościoła Prawosławnego, kulturowo-historycznej tradycji macedońskiej, narodu macedońskiego, terytorium państwa oraz jego nazwy własnej. Ciągłość tej sytuacji z dzisiejszej perspektywy daje możliwość podkreślenia problemu macedońskiego, który nie został rozwiązany w wyniku polityki, jaką prowadziły sąsiednie państwa.Likwidacja arcybiskupstwa nastąpiła w okresie panowania osmańskiego, co pozwala na ukazanie relacji kształtujących się pomiędzy Wysoką Portą a arcybiskupstwem ochrydzkim. Ziemie macedońskie od XIV wieku znajdowały się pod terytorialną i administracyjną jurysdykcją państwa osmańskiego, utrzymywały jednak od X wieku niezależność religijną.Autokefalię arcybiskupstwa ochrydzkiego wobec Wysokiej Porty umożliwiała średniowieczna tradycja piśmiennicza (skupiona głównie wokół ośrodków skryptorskich), kontynuacja liturgii w języku słowiańskim oraz zachowanie języka, którym posługiwali się słowiańscy mieszkańcy ziem macedońskich.Pogorszenie relacji pomiędzy arcybiskupstwem a Portą nastąpiło pod koniec XVII wieku i na początku wieku XVIII, kiedy imperium osmańskie było maksymalnie zaangażowane w politykę i wojny prowadzone w Europie, kiedy słabło ekonomicznie. Tymczasem fanarioci wzmacniali swe pozycje w patriarchacie w Carogrodzie, zyskiwali też na znaczeniu w wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej polityce państwa. Działania, jakie podejmowali wobec biskupów ochrydzkich, okazały się na tyle skuteczne, że zaczęli wypierać hierarchów macedońskich z ich stanowisk. Fanarioci stawali się coraz większą siłą finansową – zyskali ­uprzywilejowany status w handlu na Bałkanach, w Rosji i w Europie, otrzymali również liczne przywileje, jakie zapewniała im funkcja oficjalnych tłumaczy (dragomanów) w rozmowach pomiędzy Portą a państwami europejskimi. Wszystko to wykorzystywali do realizacji swoich celów politycznych – likwidacja arcybiskupstwa w Ochrydzie miała być krokiem do urzeczywistnienia ­Megali Idei, prowadzącym do asymilacji ludności ziem macedońskich poprzez wprowadzenie liturgii w języku greckim, asymilację dziedzictwa kultury, języka i tożsamości.
EN
The changes proposed in the bill constitute an interference in the sphere – pursuant to the Constitution – covered by the autonomy of the Muslim Religious Union in the Republic of Poland and the Karaite Religious Union in the Republic of Poland. Their establishment requires prior concluding of agreements between the Council of Ministers and relevant representatives of these religious communities. In the author’s opinion there are no formal restrictions for the headquarters of a given church or religious association to be located outside of Poland.
EN
This article sketches in the image of Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the newspaper Sarajevski list, the official gazette of the Austro-Hungarian occupation government, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The study is temporally circumscribed to the period from the establishment of the above-named gazette to the founding of the newspaper Bošnjak, the first modern Muslim periodical in the country. Its analysis focuses on the quantity of reports on Muslims, the content, extent, and diction of official and non-official messages and, finally, also on the relevance of this reporting in relation to Muslim everyday life. The reports dedicated to the Islamic faithful are set into the broader context of building a state administrative apparatus which was governed by the Land Government in Sarajevo, and an ideological framework that was significantly influenced Benjámin Kállay, the Austro-Hungarian minister of finances and informal governor of Bosnia and Hercegovina at that time.
EN
This study compares the approach to Islam and the Turks of two close contemporaries, writers at the Burgundian court, writing around 1455. While the official chronicler Georges Chastelain adopted a venemously anti-Muslim stance and called for a crusade against the Turks, Bertrandon de la Broquière portrayed the Turks in efforts to understand their religion and different way of life.
EN
The research of the stereotyping of Muslims and its consequences in the context of the Slovak Republic is highly topical and necessary. The complexity of this research is influenced by the fact that in Slovakia we do not yet have a proven research tradition in this field and there is also a lack of empirical research that would deal with this issue. A so-called mixed research strategy consisting of a combination of qualitative and quantitative research was used for our research purposes. In the qualitative part, we used the method of group interviews, through which we identify the most important sources of information from which respondents learn the most about Islam and topics that reflect the most about Islam in the media. In the quantitative part, an evaluation of the media presentation of Islam is carried out by means of a questionnaire, which is carried out in a research group of 110 respondents. The aim is to obtain, describe and analyse the image of Islam in contemporary media; it is exclusively a research of the media-mediated experience of respondents with Islam. The interpretation of the research puts the findings into a broader context of the issue, presents the most significant examples and consequences of the stereotyping of Muslims in the media and suggests perspectives for the greater inclusion of Muslims despite their cultural or religious differences from the majority population. The research was conducted between the months of April and September 2019.
6
88%
EN
At the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first century, the problem of the Muslim minority in Europe became a significant problem in religious, social and political terms. In this publication, we present the characteristics of the presence of Muslims in France only in terms of religious and organizational backgrounds. By analyzing the first aspect, the importance of Islam as the second religion in terms of the number of believers in France is shown. The second aspect describes the characteristics of some important Muslim organizations in France.
7
88%
PL
The paper contains a synthetic discussion of original and little known philological manuscripts which had been created since the 16th century by Tatars – Muslims of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – as characteristic Slavic aljamiado. The preserved manuscripts in which Slavic languages – Polish and Belarusian – were recorded in the Arabic alphabet are enormously important for the history of both languages and the Slavic-Oriental language relations. Various types of these historical texts (kitabs, chamails, tajweeds, etc.) contain the first, that is the oldest (16th century), translation of the Quran into a Slavic language (Polish) recorded in the Arabic alphabet (so-called tafsir). These sources are studied within the framework of an original philological sub-discipline of Kitab Studies whose origin and development should be credited to Professor Anton Antonovich from Vilnius University. The author of the paper discusses the research methodology pertaining to these sources, particularly the transliteration of Slavic texts recorded in the Arabic alphabet into the Latin alphabet, and introduces prospective major research tasks for Kitab Studies.
EN
The author of the article put the question about case of the relationship Islamic and European civilizations in the area of international zone in Tanger in north Morocco and presented Muslims tradition connected with European and Western civilizations there. In the time of the Second World War and before in the Tanger international zone established international and multicultural artists group who realized art, wrote poems and story's as subjects of transgression cultural tradition and contemporary way of life. In the Tanger area artist activity of the Jack Keruoack, Alan Ginsberg, William Burrougs and other artists and writers of the "beat generation" as well as an American writer Paul Bowles with his wife Jane Bowles who also wrote stories was aroused.
9
Content available Navigating Islamophobia: the tale of two Polands
88%
EN
The paper analyses the Islamophobic and anti-refugee narratives in Poland through the lens of two different modes of patriotism. These two types of patriotism reflect a great division within Polish society – i.e. between openness and aspiration towards EU and closeness and pride from Polish history. Islamophobic and anti-refugee discourse are powerful tools used in contemporary political discourse by the ruling party, yet they exemplify only one of many layers of the division. The paper starts with setting the framework for Islamophobic discourse in Poland, namely lacking post-colonial reflection and cultural homogeneity. It uses the concept of social imaginary to analyse conflicting discourses on Muslims and refugees on three different examples: use of Polish history for as a source of integration vs. defence against allegations; welcoming refugees as European obligation vs. obligation of EU towards Poland, and endorsing multiculturalism vs. Poland as antemurale christianitatis.
10
87%
EN
The article discusses legal situation of the Muslim community under the legislation of the Russian Empire’s central governorates in the 19 th century. Regulations in force within that territory were similar to those applied in other governorates of the Imperial Russia. This research is of a general nature due to the fact that detailed elaboration on Muslims’ situation which would include their legal, civil and political limitations could become an extensive monograph, especially if one would take into consideration that different parts of the Russian territory implemented its own legal solutions enforced by the contemporary social and political situation.
PL
In the article we shall study the position of the second largest community in the city of Salonica – the Muslim community – during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913), using British and Austrian documents. We can conclude that the Balkan Wars satisfied the ambitions of the Balkan states’ nationalist circles which, of course, had the politics of the Great Powers behind them. That such of the case was obvious at both conferences that took place in London at the same time – the Conference of the Ambassadors of the Great Powers and the Peace Conference of the Balkan states engaged in war. 80 years after these wars, a new war threatened the Balkans and was led, with all its attributes of cruelty, on the territory of former Yugoslavia. Reflecting on this phenomenon from today’s perspective, we can come to the conclusion that the historical lesson taught by the Balkan Wars (1912/13) had not been learnt.
EN
One of the concomitants of migration is the danger posed by armed conflicts which are transposed from the country of origin of the migrants to the territory of the receiving country. The article analyses this issue by presenting the current situation in Germany. It discusses the conflict between the Turks and Kurds which took place in the 90s and the danger posed by the radicalisation of Muslim communities, especially the Salafis. Several internal threats can be identified: the recruitment of foreigners and German nationals to fight for the Islamic State, the return of welltrained terrorists who are willing to continue jihad in Germany, and also the so-called individual jihad, that is terrorist attacks committed by people not affiliated with any organization. The current situation is responsible for a rise in ‘anti-Islamic’ feelings and the inception of such new movements as PEGIDA, LeGIDA or HoGeSa (Hooligans Against Salafi s), which in turn leads to further rioting and unrest. The State defends against this threat by increasing the surveillance of suspects, banning the activities of radical organisations, counteracting recruitment, blocking collection of money, restricting freedom of movement abroad and so on. However, due to the peculiarity of radical movements and the nature of their activities, it is necessary to implement a more comprehensive strategy, as even the best integration programmes fail to succeed.
13
Content available remote Evolution of the architecture of mosques in Iran (seventh to eighteenth centuries)
75%
EN
This dissertation argues that under the influence of external factors, climatic conditions, pre-Islamic architecture, local architectural and construction traditions, a peculiar regional Iranian school of Muslim architecture was formed and evolved. The relationship between the historical periods of Iran’s development and the architectural periods of the construction of mosques is determined, and three major periods of the construction of mosques are described.
PL
Przez bogactwo irańskiego dziedzictwa kultury islamskiej architektury, ochrony i konserwacji zabytków oraz powstawaniu nowych konstrukcji, postanowiono ustalić politykę legislacyjną dotyczącą zasad organizacji, doskonalenia i rozwoju meczetów w kraju (Rada Ministrów Islamskiej Republiki Iranu 22/4/1376, 31 marca 1996). Zauważono, że nowe meczety muszą przestrzegać irańskich zasad budowlanych. Zachowanie islamskiego dziedzictwa architektonicznego Iranu i nowych meczetów reguluje Rozporządzenie Rady Najwyższej o Urbanistyce i Architekturze 30676/z10/300 z 22 września 2008 r. numer 5361 i prawo z 20 stycznia 2009 r., które przewiduje alokację i harmonogramowanie meczetów.
14
75%
PL
Islam i jego wyznawcy we Francji są w trudnym okresie adaptacji do francuskich i szerzej, europejskich – kulturowych społecznych, obyczajowych i politycznych – warunków bytowania. Celem niniejszego artytkułu jest ukazanie specyfiki tej społeczności na tle Francuzów etnicznych (europejskich), a także polityki władz francuskich wobec tej mniejszości Cel ten staramy się osiągnąć poprzez ukazanie stref osiedlania i warunki mieszkaniowe francuskich muzułmanów, związane z tym patologie społeczne, następnie poprzez przedstawienie struktury demograficznej oraz struktury zatrudnienia ludności muzułmańskiej, problemu jej tożsamości obywatelskiej, preferencji wyborczych i aktywności politycznej, a także ukazując stosunek rdzennych Francuzów do mniejszości islamskiej oraz charakteryzując politykę integracji i asymilacji władz w kontekście zachowania laickiego charakteru państwa francuskiego.
EN
The purpose of this publication is to present selected socio-political issues related to the presence of Muslims in France and the specifics of the community of French ethnic background (European). To achieve this, the author analyzes the areas of settlement and housing French Muslims, the associated social pathologies, then presents the demographic structure and employment structure of the Muslim population, the problem of citizenship, electoral preferences and political activity, as well as against the minority Islamic natives. The final piece of the publication refers to the integration and assimilation policies pursued – often inconsistently – by the authorities against French Muslims, and in this context, the pursuit of that power to the Confidentiality of the constitutional principle of secularism of the French State.
15
Content available Politics of Muslim minority in Uganda and Burundi
75%
EN
There are Muslim minorities in Burundi and Uganda that are influenced by their Christian co-citizens rather than other Islamic states. They live their Islamic faith with the feeling of being marginalised by the rest of society. They have ambitions to play more active role in politics. While looking for their Islamic identity, they struggle with the negative perception of the origins of their faith linked to the Arab slave trade, with the feeling of alienation by Christian majority, the lack of education, and the weakness of their leadership. Muslim approach to the past tries to defend the achievements of Kiswahili culture and absolve the shameful parts of history, e.g. slavery or Idi Amin’s dictatorship. They show great creativity in commerce and are able to create a strong sense of community. Muslim presence in Burundi and Uganda can be seen through some geographical sites and monuments which symbolise political aspirations of the Muslims. Kibuli and Old Kampala, the hills of the Ugandan capital, with their imposing mosques testify to the vitality of Muslim community. Communities in Iganga and Mbale districts have built Islamic Umma and started the most important educational project – the Islamic University. Buyenzi, the suburb of the Burundian capital, and districts on the shores of Lake Tanganyika are places where economic aspirations of Burundian Muslims are realised. There is a twofold dynamic in the politics of Muslim communities. On the one hand, they strongly hold to the tradition based on Kiswahili language, culture and commerce; on the other hand, they try to advance on the political stage by searching for strong Muslim leaders. The Muslims of Uganda and Burundi tend to withdraw from public politics when they lack a charismatic leader. How can Muslim society remain the leading group in politics? To claim the place in the society there must be more emphasis put on education. Muslims seem to be aware of this need and have already taken some measures.
EN
The article is dedicated to the Muslims in Poland, with a special focus on their institutional representation. This religious minority encircles a diverse populace in terms of the path in Islam they adhere to, ethnicity, country of origin, but also the legal status they have in Poland. It includes Muslim Tatars, former students from Arab countries who have been living in this country for decades, as well as transient groups war refugees from Chechnya, Afghanistan or the Balkans, esp. Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author argues that institutionalized entities of religious character which associate Muslims in the country, organize their presence in religious terms and represent them, reflect major divisions within the Muslim populace in the country. A key factor is the duration of their settlement – it is concomitant to, if not more important than, tensions between the Sunnis and Shiites.
EN
In 1990 on the wave of the global collapse of the communist system began the disintegration of Yugoslavia. As its result there was a territorial conflicts among the three largest nations inhabiting the Yugoslavian federation: Serbs, Croats and Muslims (nationality). Soon there was started a conflict between Serbs and Albanians, whose are the fourth most numerous nation of Yugoslavia. This created several conflict fields: in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo and Serbia – in Sanjak of Novi Pazar. These conflicts were the nature of the struggle for territory, but also the ethnic and religious character. This article presents the conflicts between Serbs – believers of the Orthodox Church and believers of Islam: Muslims – in Bosnia and Sanjak and Albanians from Kosovo. These conflicts have their roots in the difficult history of these nations and in complicated historical processes taking place in this area.
PL
Artykuł jest omówieniem częściowej diagnozy kultury organizacyjnej więziennictwa polskiego i litewskiego. Analizowana kultura organizacyjna obejmuje poglądy personelu oraz reguły, kształtujące sposoby reagowania na obecność muzułmanów jako skazanych, a równocześnie osób deklarujących odmienne potrzeby kulturowe. Oba systemy penitencjarne są podobne ze względu na niewielkie doświadczenia w pracy ze skazanymi muzułmanami. Także obu systemów dotyczą rekomendacje Unii Europejskiej z 2012 roku w zakresie kształtowania kompetencji kulturowych funkcjonariuszy więziennych. Tekst odpowiada na pytania: jakie są opinie funkcjonariuszy wobec muzułmanów, którzy wyrażają potrzeby związane z ich kulturą? Jaka jest statystyczna częstotliwość pojawiania się takich samych opinii? Szczególnie częstotliwość ma znaczenie dla rozpoznania kultury organizacyjnej systemu, ponieważ mówi o tendencjach, uogólnionych poglądach i regułach, jakie regulują sposoby postrzegania i reagowania na odmienne oczekiwania kulturowe. Badania terenowe obejmowały grupę 241 funkcjonariuszy w Polsce i 143 funkcjonariuszy na Litwie, były prowadzone poprzez wywiady pisemne. Analiza wyników została przeprowadzona metodą statystyczną Konfiguracyjnej Analizy Częstotliwości (CFA), która umożliwiła wskazanie liczby takich samych opinii, a każda z nich zawierała określenie sposobu działania wobec potrzeb zgłaszanych przez skazanych muzułmanów oraz motywacji do tego działania. Wnioski z badań i analiz statystycznych umożliwiły wygenerowanie tożsamych poglądów reprezentowanych w systemie przez grupy od kilkunastu do kilkudziesięciu osób, wskazując zarówno na specyfikę motywacji i podejmowanych decyzji, jak i na ich rozkład. Powtarzalność tych samych (jednolitych) poglądów opisuje częściowo kulturę organizacyjną więziennictwa pod względem gotowości na kształtowanie nowych kompetencji kulturowych lub oporu wobec nich.
EN
The article discusses the diagnosis of a part of organizational culture of Polish and Lithuanian penitentiary system. Organizational culture includes here opinions expressed by the staff as well as rules shaping the way of reacting to the presence of Muslim prisoners and at the same time, persons declaring distinct cultural needs. Both penitentiary systems are similar due to limited experience in working with Muslim prisoners. Another common characteristic of the systems is the fact that European Union recommendations from the year 2012 concerning the shaping of cultural competencies of prison officers are applicable in both of them. The text aims at answering the following questions: What are the opinions of officers towards the Muslims who express the needs connected with their culture? Statistically, how often do the same opinions occur? The frequency is of particular importance for recognizing organizational structure of a system as it presents the trends, generalized views and rules regulating the way of perceiving and reacting to distinct cultural expectations. Field studies were performed on the group of 241 officers in Poland and 143 officers in Lithuania in the form of written interviews. Result analysis was performed with the use of the Configural Frequency Analysis (CFA) statistical method, which makes it possible to indicate the number of identical opinions, and each of them included the way of acting towards the needs reported by Muslim prisoners as well as motivations connected with a given way of acting. Conclusions from the performed studies and statistical research enabled the generation of synonymous opinions represented in a system by groups consisting of several dozen up to about a dozen members, thus indicating both the specific character of motivations and decisions made together with their distribution. The recurrence of the same (identical) opinions partially describes organizational culture of the penitentiary system relating to its readiness to shaping new cultural competencies or the resistance towards them.
19
Content available remote Muslims and Islamic Fundamentalism in Macedonia
75%
EN
Despite the fact that Macedonia achieved independence in a peaceful manner in 1991, its position has been continuously challenged in political, economic and security dimensions ever since. One of them is Islamic fundamentalism. In a country with over 1/3 of the population being Muslims (and still growing) this issue becomes a potential danger in the security dimension. Using a descriptive analysis method, the Author aims to highlight the specificity of Islam in Macedonia and to define the potential or real danger of Islamic fundamentalism in the country.
EN
This paper focuses on the identity construction of second-generation Muslims in the Czech Republic. This generation consists mainly of young Muslims who are the descendants of migrants who came to Czechoslovakia in the 1970s and 1990s as part of student and labour migration. Their socialization took place in the context of their Muslim family, but they were primarily socialized in the Czech environment. Thus, second-generation Muslims move between several cultural frameworks, transnational fields located in the space in-between. They negotiate their identity situationally and must cope with their parents' country of origin, ethnicity and national identity. Through these interviews of second-generation Muslims, I would like to show how these young people with a migratory experience treat ethnicity when reporting on their otherness and what strategies they apply when negotiating key social identities. I created this data based on semi-structured interviews.
first rewind previous Strona / 4 next fast forward last
JavaScript jest wyłączony w Twojej przeglądarce internetowej. Włącz go, a następnie odśwież stronę, aby móc w pełni z niej korzystać.