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EN
This article examines the marked decline in Irish social housing’s traditional role as the main source of accommodation for low-income households. We argue that although this policy redirection has become clearly apparent in the context of the Global Financial Crisis; its roots are, in fact, much older. They lie, not in Ireland’s most recent fiscal crisis, but in the last one which occurred between the late 1970s and mid-1980s. Changes made to arrangements for funding social housing during this time effected a long-term contraction in the social housing’s contribution to total housing output which, in turn, precipitated growing reliance on housing allowance subsidised private rented housing to accommodate this group. The post-GFC austerity merely accelerated this long-term trend rather than signalled a new policy direction.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present the development of general government debt in two Eurozone countries: Ireland and Spain that suffered from serious imbalance in public finance during the last crisis. Prior to the crisis, both economies were developing well against the background of the whole Eurozone and had a relatively good situation in public finance. The genesis of the crisis was also quite similar in these two countries. The similarity of factors influencing the crisis and the pre-crisis high development of both economies were among the reasons for selection of these two countries to be compared. Thus, the article focuses on the outbreak of the crisis and the fiscal consolidation period of 2008-2015, however the pre-crisis analysis is also provided. The debt sustainability analysis carried out in the article shows the possibility of growing out of debt in both countries depending on the macroeconomic circumstances. Both Ireland and Spain have been aiming to achieve a primary surplus. Besides the similarity of pre-crisis conditions, in this respect, the progress was highly noticeable, especially in Ireland, where it resulted from a fiscal consolidation but also a high real GDP dynamics that supported the process. Due to this, Ireland has already managed to lower the debt-to- -GDP ratio and put it on a downward path. Spain, on the contrary, has recorded a high debt-to-GDP ratio which is still on the upward path and is forecasted to continue until 2016.
EN
This paper focuses on the increasing regional disparities in Ireland, especially since the great recession and assesses the degree to which the recovery has been concentrated in urban areas. Ireland was initially affected by the recession to a greater extent than other countries but has recovered strongly. However, this recovery has not been evenly distributed, with some regions showing greater economic resilience. Using descriptive statistics of GDP per capita (PPP), GVA and employment, this paper examines the extent to which the recovery has been a two-tier recovery. The paper finds evidence to suggest that the recovery has been heavily concentrated in Dublin, and to a lesser extent in Cork and Galway, resulting in an urban-rural divide.
EN
The decision about emigration for economic reasons, including emigration to Ireland, after Poland joining the European Union, has been the object of research interests of a number of fields of knowledge. Sometimes, a tempting vision of improving Polish people’s own economic status makes them decide to leave the homeland without any knowledge about the culture of the adopted society. The article is focused on the analysis of the language competence of Polish grammar school students in Ireland. There are presented weaknesses and strategies for surviving in the new environment without language skills and its influence on adaptation to school and life in Ireland. The article is supported by the research conducted in Irish grammar schools and Polish weekend schools in Ireland (2010–2011).
5
Content available Michael Longley and Birds
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EN
The following essay attempts to shed some light on Michael Longley’s poems about birds, which form a fairly complicated network of mutual enhancements and cross-references. Some of them are purely descriptive lyrics. Such poems are likely to have the name of a given species or a specific individual representative of that species in the title. Others make references to birds or use them for their own agenda, which often transcends the parameters of pure description. Sometimes birds perform an evocative function (“Snow Geese”), prompt the poet to explore the murky mysteries of iniquity (“The Goose”), judge human affairs from the avian vantage (“Aftermath”), or raise ecological problems (“Kestrel”). Most of the time, however, Longley is careful not to intrude upon their baffling otherness. Many of his bird poems are suffused with an aura of subtle yet suggestive eroticism, a conflation of the avian and the amorous.
EN
The last four decades have witnessed enormous changes in the Republic of Ireland in terms of society, economy and politics. Formerly perceived as a poor, peripheral and “priest-ridden” country additionally plagued by political violence in Northern Ireland, over recent decades Irish voters have supported a series of “liberal causes”. Indeed, nowhere is this more apparent than Ireland’s laws concerning abortion, an issue which displayed a seismic shift not only among Irish voters but the political parties which claim to represent them, a shift clearly reflected in the public discourse. At the same time, it will be seen that the use of a Citizens’ Assembly as an exercise in “deliberative democracy” has allowed mainstream political parties to pass responsibility, at least partially, for changes to controversial laws to an extra-parliamentary body, thereby allowing them to claim that they were following the will of “the people” and finally settle one of the longest running conflicts in Irish political life. Thus, this article seeks to examine and describe both how effective the Irish Citizens’ Assembly was at achieving its stated goal and its influence on the nation’s public discourse concerning the issue of abortion.
EN
Ireland has become one of the main destination countries for Polish migrants after Poland’s EU accession in 2004. While much of the literature on Polish migration to Ireland post-2004 focuses on its labour-market element, in this paper we analyse the political participation of Polish migrants. We utilise data from a survey conducted by the Centre of Migration Research (University of Warsaw) with Polish migrants in Ireland which documents low levels of political engagement as measured by voting turnout in Polish presidential and parliamentary elections as well as the Irish local elections and elections to the European Parliament.A lack of knowledge about political participation rights or how to engage in voting is one explanation for the low levels of voting, especially in Irish local and European parliamentiary elections. Another explanation may be the attitude that migrants have towards the political system and how they can influence it. Polish migrants predominantly report that they have no or little influence on politics in Poland and have relatively less trust in the authorities and politicians there (compared to Ireland). The key individual-level characteristic affecting Polish migrant respondents’ electoral participation in Ireland is their (lack of) voting habit formed before migration.
EN
The opinion provides an assessment of the correctness of the choice by the Council of Ministers of the procedure for ratification of the Protocol on the concerns of the Irish people on the Treaty of Lisbon, done at Brussels on 13 June 2012 (the so-called Irish Protocol). As a consequence of the Irish Parliament’s expectations relating to the protection of certain values and interests, which are of vital importance for Ireland and constitute a condition sine qua non of the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon, the development of the above mentioned Protocol and ratification thereof by all EU member states has proved to be necessary. The author claims that there are no grounds for the application of the procedure specified in Article 90 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, instead of the procedure referred to in Article 89 (1) of the Constitution (i.e. with prior consent granted in statute).
EN
This study documents the first palynological data from the Silurian of the Dunquin Inlier of the Dingle Peninsula and focuses on the lower part of the succession. The previously undated Coosglass Slate Formation contains a low diversity Llandovery to early Wenlock acritarch assemblage, confirming the previously enigmatic Coosglass Slate Formation as the oldest formation in the Silurian succession. The lithofacies and acritarch biofacies suggest the mudstones of the Coosglass Slate Formation represent a low energy, offshore, muddy shelf palaeoenvironment. The Ferriter' s Cove Formation, a succession of five offshore to tidal-flat regressive marine cycles yielded more diverse palynological assemblages. Acritarchs and cryptospores from the Ferriter's Cove Formation confirm a Wenlock (Homerian) age for this formation. The integration of palynological and sedimentological data from four of the offshore to tidal-flat regressive cycles reveals three consistent palynomorph distribution trends: (1) offshore and shoreface depositional facies contain the most diverse palynological assemblages in which acritarchs with long and ramified processes dominate; (2) back-barrier tidal-flat facies are characterized by terrestrially derived palynomorphs, particularly cryptospores, together with a restricted acritarch assemblage of mainly micrhystrid and veryhachid forms with small simple processes; (3) back-barrier lagoonal facies with patch reefs are dominated by the sphaeromorph acritarch Leiosphaeridia.
EN
This paper is concerned with spatial policy in Ireland. It adopts an historical lens to help explain why Ireland currently finds itself at the bottom of the European league table with regard to local governance. After categorising the Irish political and planning system as highly centralised, bureaucratic and linear, the paper uses a case study of the Moycullen village plan to show an alternate path towards place development in Ireland. This case study sets out to contrast the desire of a people to collaborate in the authorship of their place with the top down nature of spatial planning in Ireland. By making clear the methods and results of the project, this paper highlights the latent demand that exists in a community that is subject to national planning system that reduces their ability to affect change. Through the use of some innovative approaches, this project has sought to fire the geographic imaginary of a people with respect to their place.
EN
The paper describes how, within the European single market, the economies of small nation states and regions of larger states have more in common than is often recognized. The author suggests that, as a role model in the design of a special development program for the eastern Polish regions, the example of Ireland is relevant to Polish regional administrations as they attempt to achieve the best return from capturing gains from European Union and national policies as well as building on their own, rather limited, locally devolved powers. The analysis demonstrates that during the 18-year period of three EU-assisted investment programs, the Irish economic policymaking environment shifted from one appropriate to a state on the periphery of Europe to that of a region more fully integrated into an encompassing European economy. The author concludes that the challenge facing regional policymakers is to understand how national policies can have both positive and negative regionally asymmetric impacts, while acknowledging the extremely constrained scope for designing offsetting region-specific policies within the context of the nation state. It is politically difficult to design regional policies that introduce fundamental differences between regions of a nation state other than in terms of the level of income redistribution. But if the Polish regional economies are to be renewed, big innovations are precisely what are needed.
EN
The article looks at the origins and scale of migration of Poles to the Republic of Ireland and the characteristics of migrants in light of various statistical data. It outlines the characteristics of the Polish population in Ireland on the basis of 2016 census, taking into account the main directions of changes in relation to previous censuses. Polish immigrants, very few in Ireland before 2004, have since become the largest group of non-Irish nationals, stable in size and spread all over the country. Despite its size and multiple ties to Ireland such as the growing number of Polish-Irish citizens and the increasing share of homeowners, it is argued that the Polish community has limited visibility and impact on the Irish society and politics. The author also points out the housing crisis and Brexit-related risks as important challenges for the Polish community.
14
Content available Nazis on the State Payroll in 1930s Ireland
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EN
The Austro-German population of Ireland in 1936 was 529. Approximately 25% of the adult male cohort were, or became, members of Hitler’s Nazi Party (NSDAP). A small cadre of senior figures in the party were active in recruiting new members as Nazi Germany’s fortunes rose from 1933 to 1939. Some 32 Germans and Austrians resident in pre-war Ireland have been identified as Nazi Party members, although a small number of these were exchange students rather than full-time residents. This paper examines the six NSDAP members who held senior positions in the Irish public service. As Irish state employees they were in a contradictory position: swearing loyalty to Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich while attempting to hold down important jobs on the Irish state payroll. Dr. David O’Donoghue’s article scrutinises the activities of these six men, as well as explaining how they tried, by varying degrees, to serve two masters. The paper also examines their wartime and post-war lives.
EN
The global outbreak of COVID-19 in 2019/2020 has undoubtedly influenced the international migration trends of young people. Notably, there has been a distinct influx of migrants returning to Ireland. While Ireland has a significant history of mass emigration and well-documented periods of return, the recent experience of returning during the COVID-19 pandemic represents a novel phenomenon worthy of investigation. This paper draws upon 20 semi-structured interviews of returning migrants from across the Republic of Ireland, with the aim of better understanding their experiences, motivations and intentions for returning ‘home’ during a global health crisis and to assess the potential effect this may have on the future livelihoods and reflexive mobility strategies of Ireland’s young people. To conclude, this paper highlights the imperative for policymakers of future relevant research on this subject as the pandemic continues to unfold, presenting a unique set of circumstances and challenges for this cohort of young people with migration experiences.
16
Content available Social Partnership in Ireland
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EN
The Irish 'Social Partnership' is the way that corporatist accommodates the trade unions, farmers, community and voluntary sector of organisations. It was the foundation for a period of rapid growth, so-called 'Celtic Tiger', but now most of us have little doubt that social partnership has been a key factor in the economic success of the Republic of Ireland. This simple 'tripartite' model became a platform for negotiations between groups of various interests and aspirations. Now 'Social Partnership' is open to criticism on ground of effectiveness but it would be a mistake to renounce to it. The important question is how democracy may be deepened within social partnership and other similar model as a potential successor. What has developed may contribute to the theorising of 'Social Partnership' as a new form of 'multi-level' and 'flexible' governance and is considered as an instrument of direct participatory democracy. Social Partnership became an important process in Europe since the 1990's and each country had surprisingly different experiences. This paper examines the origins and significance of the social dialogue in relation to a financial, fiscal and social crisis and also a distrust of legitimacy for the political elite in Ireland.
EN
The potato blight that struck Ireland in 1845 led to ineffable suffering that sent shockwaves throughout the Anglosphere. The Irish Famine is deemed to be the first national calamity to attract extensive help and support from all around the world. Even though the Irish did not receive adequate support from the British government, their ordeal was mitigated by private charity. Without the donations from a great number of individuals, the death toll among the famished Irishmen and Irishwomen would have been definitely higher. The greatest and most generous amount of assistance came from the United States. In spite of the fact that the U.S. Congress did not decide to earmark any money for the support of famine-stricken Ireland, the horrors taking place in this part of the British Empire pulled at American citizens’ heartstrings and they contributed munificently to the help of the Irish people. Aiding Ireland was embraced by the American press, which, unlike major British newspapers, lauded private efforts to bring succour to the Irish. Such American newspapers as the Daily National Intelligencer, the New York Herald and the Liberator encouraged their readers to contribute to the relief of Ireland and applauded efforts to help the Irish. The aim of this essay is to argue that the American press, in general, played a significant role in encouraging private charity in the United States towards the Irish at the time of An Gorta Mór and, thus, helped to save many lives.
18
Content available remote Polish Migrants in Urban Space of Dublin
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EN
The end of Cold War in the late 1980s of the 20th century and the accession to EU in 2004 brought spectacular changes in Polish migrations during the last 20 years. The opening of borders in 1989 and labour markets for Poles in 2004 caused fundamental changes in the scale, intensity and directions of Polish migrations. This paper is an attempt to analyze the Polish wave of migration to Ireland, which is one of the three states that opened labour market for workers from the ‘new EU’ in 2004 without any restrictions. The special attention is paid to Dublin, where the presence of Polish immigrants is very visible both at the statistical level and within social and urban space.
EN
The aim of this paper is to compare the educational language policing in Ireland, Singapore, and Malaysia. While distant geographically, the three countries experience similar linguistic processes when it comes to anglicisation, and propose different solutions to the issue of balancing linguistic rights, and promotion of English as the language of globalisation. This comparison aimed to find out what influences language policing in postcolonial countries, and in what ways language shift can be prevented. The aspects of language policing strategies are presented as a way of protecting linguistic human rights, but also as a way of dealing with the aftermaths of the policies implemented by the British Empire. Similarities and distinctions in the language policies of Ireland, Singapore, and Malaysia prove that the weak position of native languages originates not in the “natural” decline of a language, but rather in the policy of promoting English by the colonial forces. Ethnic and linguistic discrimination favouring English speakers in Ireland, Singapore, and Malaysia, originates in similar, imperial linguistic ideologies, which are still reflected in the current language policies of countries of colonial past. While the countries approach their bilingual educational policing in different ways, ultimately the outcomes seem similar when it comes to linguistic attitudes and prestige.
EN
This article examines some of the opportunities and challenges associated with using archived qualitative data to explain macro-social change through a biographical lens. Using examples from a recent research project on family change in Ireland, I show how working across qualitative datasets provided opportunities for generating new explanations of social change by ‘reading against the grain’ of established social science narratives and tracing innovation in social practices. I also discuss some of the methodological challenges associated with working across datasets and how we addressed them in the study.
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