According to the Jean-François Lyotard’s postulate about the need to testify about differences, in the following article rhetorical analysis of the multidimensional nature of the dispute about the policy towards the covid-19 pandemic has been made. ”Pandemic policies” are material-semiotic strategies of dealing with a crisis situation used by political entities. By emphasizing the role of conflict and rituals of identification and exclusion in social processes, Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical theory is a cognitively valuable supplement to the Lyotard’s concept. The use of the dramatic pentad to analyze the rhetoric of the dispute over reactions to the covid-19 pandemic allowed the author to answer the following research questions: What elements create a social drama (rhetorical situation)? What is the action about and on what stage does it take place? Who are the characters of this action, what means do they take and what is the purpose of using them? And finally, what relations (ratios) constituting the difference – a rhetorical situation itself – determine the motives of social actors’ actions?
PL
Akceptując postulat Jean-Françoisa Lyotarda, mówiący o konieczności świadczenia o poróżnieniach, w artykule poddałem analizie retorycznej wielowymiarowy charakter zatargu o polityki wobec pandemii covid-19. ‘Polityki pandemiczne’ to stosowane przez podmioty polityczne materialno-semiotyczne strategie radzenia sobie z sytuacją kryzysową. Za sprawą akcentowania roli konfliktu oraz rytuałów identyfikacji i wykluczenia w procesach społecznych, teoria retoryczna Kennetha Burke’a stanowi wartościowe poznawczo uzupełnienie wspomnianej Lyotardowskiej koncepcji poróżnienia. Zastosowanie pentady dramatystycznej do analizy retoryki zatargu o reakcje na pandemię covid-19 pozwoliło autorowi udzielić odpowiedzi na następujące pytania badawcze: Jakie elementy tworzą dramat społeczny (sytuację retoryczną)? Czego dotyczy działanie oraz na jakiej scenie się ono rozgrywa? Kim są postaci owego działania, jakie podejmują środki i jaki jest cel ich użycia? I wreszcie, jakie relacje (ratios), konstytuujące poróżnienie – samo będące sytuacją retoryczną – stanowią instancję determinującą motywy działania aktorów społecznych?
The article seeks to defamiliarize coaching practices based on the premises of positive psy- chology that were the focus of the author’s inquiry during ethnographic research among the Polish community of professional coaches and their clients: managers, entrepreneurs and university teachers. The author argues that coaching practices equip individuals with tools to cope with the social and personal risks associated with living conditions of late-capitalism. These practices are also a space within which we fase the circulation of affects and the power of desires that support capitalist regimes of productivity and, consequently, produce a neoliberal psyche (neoliberal type of subjectivity). In this paper, the author aims to answer the following questions: how do people participating in a coaching process govern themselves (construct, negotiate or contest their own self) by means of affective movements? What is the persuasive dimension of the affective work on self undertaken by coachees that results in subjectification and/or objectification along the lines of neoliberal rationality? And finally: how is the affective-rhetorical process of embodying the neoliberal type of governance manifested in coaching? The answers to these questions have been developed based on the findings of affect theory and rhetoric culture theory.
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This article suggests that emotional capital as an embodied form of cultural capital can be treated as a neoliberal strategy of identity. The ethnographic research is based within a community of Polish coaches and their clients (coachees). The paper argues that the identity and the status of upper middle class members are built, not only through accumulating material goods and creating beneficial social relations, but also on adopting lifestyle habits such us participating in coaching practices, in order to attain self-awareness, emotional well-being as well as the ability to manage emotions. From my analytical perspective, one can see coaching as a materialisation of neoliberal technologies of governmentality, helping to reach and tweak the cognitive-emotional dispositions that make up a form of emotional capital. Being self-aware and emotionally mature, thus more productive, becomes a key element in the upper middle class members’ production of self-image, which were effectively the objects of my research. They define themselves, as well as the members of the class they associate with, on the basis of a neoliberal logic and the discourse of psy-disciplines.
In this article, the authors argue that critical anthropology must inevitably recognize its intrinsic aporia, which can be illustrated by the “blind spot” metaphor. They use the metaphor to point to a cognitive bias that can be described as the tendency to claim one’s own epistemological objectivity and axiological neutrality while ignoring the fact of being entangled in the object of anthropological critique. To illustrate the blind-spot effect they refer to the visible neoliberalization of Polish academia in the last decade. Their aim is to show how critical anthropologists (re)produce the entrepreneurial regimes, power relations, and mechanisms of subjugation that they critique. For the sake of their argument they use theories drawn from studies on governmentality, namely affect theory and the idea of the dispositive.
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