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3
Content available Czy istnieje polski język biznesu?
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EN
Apparently. in the eyes of the contemporaries. the picture of our neighbours- partitioners must have been univocallynegative. Differencesmanifested themselves only in the range of malevolent attitudes towards each of them. In the literature of the subject the disposition of the citizens of the falling I Republic towards Russia. Prussia and Austria is presented automatically in the same way. No matter how true the thesis is it remains to some extent incomplete. In so far as there is no doubt about the generally negative views on the states and nations as a whole. oddly enough the approach towards individual representatives of those nations is positive. In that respect. the memoirs offer a somewhat different outlook upon neighbours-partitioners. In the majority of cases the enmity lessened when the sides got more closely acquainted. which can even be seen with the Polish exiles to Syberia. The positive and supposedly authentic and genuine opinions on the Russian or German. coming from the partitioning countries. appeared after the individual contact of the memoirist with a representative or the whole community of a given country while his previous records - from before the contact - fall within the canon of the generally negative stereotype of the given nation. In the Polish literature of king Stanislaus August times the view on the partitioning states seems apparently more univocal. They are all qualified as "despotic", depriving their citizens of freedom and liberties. A more profound analysis, though, of nuances present in the memoirists' records reveals their authors' longing for a calm and secure life, order, social justice and the authority of the state. As a matter of fact, the reforms of the Four-Years' Seym aimed to achieve that. Controversially, for many citizens of the fallen Republic the government systems of the partitioning states were not thoroughly unacceptable. Why, in the Russian partition, some did not even perceive the change of national status while in Prussia and Austria others saw a fair government system. In the same memoirs, however, there is nostalgia for the late glorious. strong, just and above all "our own" Republic.
EN
In the presented article, the author has concentrated on the presentation of the backroom activities of the brandenburgian elector's diplomats who resided in the Republic of Poland in the years 1668-1669. The main diplomats of the elector Friedrich Wilhelm Hohenzollern in that time were: Johann von Hoverbeck, Joachim Scultetus, Eusebius Brandt and Friedrich Jena. In the article there is shown an elaborate diplomatic game and actions using money and given promises to acquire political allies who would declare themselves for a candidate to a Polish crown - prince Philip Wilhelm Neuburg - supported by Friedrich Wilhelm Hohenzollern and Ludwik XN. Branderburgian-Prussian diplomats were leading talks, meeting the former king, Jan Kazimierzand officials of high rank to test their opinion and eventually pull them on their side. There is shown in the article that one of the ways to acquire political allies in the election fight was corruption used by foreign diplomats. The author, using the archival sources has presented diplomatic activities, in which money or a promise of a grace or an officewas a price for received support or service. It was possible to examine what sums of money were offered in these political auctions and to whom they were given, how people who were interested were increasing prices by themselves, sometimes playing on both sides. There is presented a game of elector Friedrich Wilhelm's diplomats, tending not only to corrupt magnates and important officials on the election time, but also they were trying to gain long-range aims by winning persons in high positions in the authority and officialhierarchy and on this way to gain precious and secret information about Polish politics. The political result of the election was unexpected, as the nobility has rejected foreign candidates to choose the native one - 19th June 1669 the prince Michał Korybut Wiśniowieckiwas elected to be a king of Poland. A big group of nobility were showing hostility toward backroom activity of senators and diplomats and a corruption used by them. It is worth to pay attention that the estimation of a new monarch by the elector's diplomats was very quick. They decided that a choice of him would not be unprofitable for the elector what was a very clear proof that the Friedrich Wilhelm'spolitics toward Poland was negative. In the conclusion, the author presented the then estimation of the corruption issue and opinions of contemporary academics who investigate this problem.
RU
Начиная с “Российской грамматики" М. Ломоносова, прилагательными с суффиксом -ейш- (-айш~) интересовались многие лингвисты, неоднократно высказывая в своих работах противоположные мнения. До настоящего времени нет единого, четкого определения статуса этой грамматической - как утверждают одни - или словообразовательной - по мнению других - категории. В статье проводится сопоставительный анализ данных прилагательных с их соответствиями в польском переводе текста. Анализ выявил, что польскими соответствиями прилагательных на -ейший- (-айший) в зависимости от характера текста, синтаксической конструкции и лексического окружения могут быть: прилагательные в форме превосходной степени, прилагательные в исходной форме с наречиями, выражающими интенсивность названного прилагательным признака, прилагательные с префиксами prze-, arey-, прилагательные с суффиксами эмоциональной оценки и бессуффиксные эмоционально отмеченные, а также другие стилистически отмеченные выражения. Проведенный анализ, по автору, подтверждает мнение некоторых лингвистов о том, что прилагательные с суффиксом -ейш* (-айш-) следует отнести к словообразовательной категории. Однако при этом необходимо упомянуть факт, что указанные прилагательные в соответствующих синтаксических условиях выполняют функцию суперлятива, чем отличаются от прилагательных типа большущий, предобрый и т.п.
7
Content available Mocarstwa europejskie wobec powstania listopadowego
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FR
Les états européens malgré la sympathie de leurs nations témoignée à la Pologne n’avancèrent pas la cause polonaise au forum international, ne la firent pas réexaminer par les contractants viennois. On sait que les émissaires de l'insurrection ne furent nulle part tenus pour représentants polonaise, car cela aurait été le premier pas en voie de reconnaître l’indépendance de la Pologne. Toutes les démarches des cabinets européens étaient conçues du point de vue des relations des pays particuliers avec la Russie et non pas comme l’attitude directe envers la Pologne. C’est pourquoi la cause polonaise se trouva au carrefour des courants politiques divers. La crainte de la révolution universelle, la rivalisation d’intérêts mutuels des pays particuliers, la diplomatie russe agissante d ’une manière exceptionellement habile, et par contre, l'incapacité, le manque d’élasticité et de prompte décision de la part de la diplomatie polonaise - c'étaient des facteurs qui traçaient la ligne, se cassant et se rompant souvent, des démarches prudentes des pays de l'Europe occidentale concernant directement ou indirectement l'insurrection de novembre.
RU
В статье обсуждаются вопросы постановки и реализации коммуникативных целей изучения русского языка на отделении русской филологии. Формулируется следующие выводы: 1. Очень важно согласование коммуникативных целей обучения и- ностранному языку с естественными мотивами обучения. Поэтому в зависимости от целевой направленности отдельных этапов подготовки студентов - филологов на первый план выдвигаются все новые перспективы использования изучаемого языка, а следовательно преобладают определенные виды языковой коммуникации. 2. Так как на русской филологии профилирующий язык изучается не только на практических занятиях, но и на всех остальных ведущихся на русском языке. Поэтому преподаватели научных дисциплин, предусмотренных планом обучения, должны считать себя также и учителями профилирующего языка. 3. Языковая подготовка студентов русской филологии должна Сыть продолжением их восьмилетнего обучения русскому языку в школе. 4. Имея в виду профессиональную подготовку студентов, кроме главных видов языковой коммуникации (восприятие на слух, говорение, чтение про себя, письмо), следует развивать и вторичние виды коммуникативной деятельности на русском языке (чтение вслух, запись речи, устный и письменный перевод).
EN
The Policy of Peaceful Competition realized by President of the United Stales Richard Nixon on the turn of 1960s and 1970s resulted in the peaceful dialogue between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics concerning disarmament. The circumstances of the summit talks in Moscow were: the inclination to consolidation of international security and peace propagated by the Eastern European Socialdemocratics in the conception of disengagement and conception of the peaceful coexistence of slates which have different social systems restored during the 20th and 22nd Congress of Communist Party of the USSR. Agreements about the fragmentary limitations of nuclear armaments were the proof of these conceptions on the turn of 1960s and 1970s. The other circumstances were: fiasco of the American policy in Wietnam and tense relations between Moscow and Peking, which were permitted The Nixon Administration to take the advantage of that rapprochement with the People’s Republic of China to establish a dialogue with the USSR. The encouragement to bcgining a dialogue was A Peaceful Programme, which Brezniev announced of the turn of March and April 1972 concerning a new foreign policy of the USSR to detente between East and West. The fundamental circumstance of the summit talks in Moscow was the acknowledgement by the United States and the USSR, at the end of 1960s, that nuclear parity exsisted, which was linked with continual expenses for armaments and new technology of armaments by both powers. Moreover, the leaders of the USSR wanted to sign the economic agreement with the United States which would allow to avoid disastrous economic situation in the USSR. One should add the efficient control of the realization of the agreements accepted by the states in the field of disarmament which was possible due to using the national technical control measures. All these circumstances resulted in the visit of the President of the United Stales in Moscow in May 1972 and it initiated signing the agreements of limitation of strategic armaments, scientific, technical and cultural cooperation between both superpowers.
EN
The Congo Crisis was one of the conflicts which involved economical and military power of the United Nations under presidency of John F. Kennedy. The United Stales had already aided Belgium but they weren’t able to solve that problem by using the US Army in Secessionist Katanga because it would lead to the direct confrontation with the USSR and its satellite countries. The second reason was connected with involvement of American private business in Katangian industry and the attempts of its exclusion made by Belgians or Patrice Lumumba’s forces. The John F. Kennedy Government attitude was determined by his predecessors policy of the containment, which should be successful in the decolonized areas. The John F. Kennedy Government attitude towards the United Nations during the Congo Crisis was determined by the majority in General Assembly created by newly independent African countries which supported the Soviet Union and his allies. That was the main cause why previously adopted “majority voting” in General Assembly was impossible for the John F. Kennedy Government.
EN
The paper presents the word family of the łacz-/łak- root. The material included 51 word forms, gathered from all accessible lexicographical sources of the entire history of the Polish language, and were presented in the form of a word formation nest. The aim of the analyses was to show the internal structure of the motivating relations between the center of the nest –*olkati, olčǫ, and a group of words of different levels of derivation. The studies tried to answer the question of how the word forms of the łacz-/łak- root were built. The (re)construction of the nest was used to discuss the discerned transformations and aided in defining the character of the changes in meaning of the examined units. The patterns of suffixal connections presented in the paper allowed tracing the paths of word formative development of individual formations. They have also enabled pointing out the transformations which were most important for the changes in the nest of the root łacz-/łak-.
PL
W artykule zaprezentowana została rodzina leksykalna o rdzeń łacz-/łak-. Materiał liczący pięćdziesiąt jeden słowoform, wyekscerpowany ze wszystkich dostępnych źródeł leksykograficznych rejestrujących słownictwo historyczne, zaprezentowany został w postaci gniazda słowotwórczego. Celem analiz było pokazanie wewnętrznej struktury relacji motywujących pomiędzy centrum gniazda –*olkati, olčǫ a grupą wyrazów o różnym stopniu pochodności. Analizy stanowią próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak były budowane formacje o rdzeniu łacz-/łak-. (Re)konstrukcja gniazda posłużyła omówieniu dostrzeżonych przeobrażeń, jak również określeniu charakteru zmian w znaczeniach badanych jednostek. Zaprezentowane w artykule wzory połączeń sufiksów pozwoliły prześledzić drogi słowotwórczego rozwoju poszczególnych formacji, umożliwiły również wskazanie najważniejszych przeobrażeń dla gniazda o rdzeniu łacz-/łak- procesów.
EN
Studies carried out in this article are part of a larger project aimed to explore the vocabulary that describe world by the sense of touch and also continuing studies from another article: “Czy można odczuwać temperaturę za pomocą dotyku? Analiza przymiotników określających wysokość temperatury w języku polskim”, which will soon be published in the fifth volume of „Bogactwo polszczyzny w świetle jej historii”. Adjectives, explored in this article, are being divided into two categories, describing the nature of the surface and its structure. There were selected more than 50 words from “Inny słownik języka polskiego” relating to the sense of touch. Four of them, which were located in the center of the categories, were detailed analyzed, these are adjectives: gładki, szorstki, miękki, twardy. The analysis showed that the meaning of these words is very stable, which is one of the characteristics of vocabulary relating to the sense of touch. All of these words are also characterized by: a reference to human behavior, manner of speaking and its synesthetic transfer impressions received by the sense of touch to hearing.
PL
Badania przeprowadzone do niniejszego artykułu są częścią większego projektu, mającego zbadać słownictwo opisujące poznanie świata przez zmysł dotyku, a jednocześnie kontynuacją tematu poruszonego w tekście: „Czy można odczuwać temperaturę za pomocą dotyku? Analiza przymiotników określających wysokość temperatury w języku polskim”, który zostanie wkrótce opublikowany w piątym tomie „Bogactwa polszczyzny w świetle jej historii”. Przymiotniki, zbadane w niniejszym artykule, zostały podzielone na dwie kategorie, opisujące charakter powierzchni i jej strukturę. Z „Innego słownika języka polskiego” wyłonionych zostało ponad 50 wyrazów odnoszących się do poznania przez zmysł dotyku. Szczegółowej analizie zostały poddane 4 leksemy, które znajdują się w centrum wyłonionych kategorii, są to przymiotniki: gładki, szorstki, miękki, twardy. Analiza wykazała, że znaczenie wspomnianych wyrazów jest bardzo stabilne, co jest jedną z cech charakterystycznych słownictwa odnoszącego się do poznania bezpośredniego przez zmysł dotyku. Wszystkie omówione wyrazy charakteryzują się także: odniesieniem do zachowań człowieka, sposobu jego wysławiania się oraz synestezyjnym przeniesieniem wrażeń odbieranych przez zmysł dotyku na słuch.
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