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EN
Picturesquely designed architecture of the complex of buildings of the former Construction Crafts School and Higher School of Machine Building at Bolesław Prus Street is recognised as one of the best examples of Wrocław Art Nouveau. The school edifice, a residential house for headmasters, sanitary facilities and a machine laboratory were built in the years 1901-19072. Along with St. Michael Church (designed by Alexis Langer, 1862-1871) and the folk schools complex in memorial of Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (designed by Hermann Froböse, Heinrich Bleß under the guidance of Richard Plüddemann, 1898-1902), they became part of this romantic composition arranged together with Tołpa Park (formerly Waschteichpark) which was completed in 1907.
PL
Zespół budynków dawnej Szkoły Rzemiosł Budowlanych i Wyższej Szkoły Budowy Maszyn (gmach szkoły, dom dyrektorów, budynek sanitariatów) powstał według projektu Karla Klimma, pod kierunkiem Richarda Plüddemanna, w latach 1901-1904, a laboratorium maszynowe - 1905-1907. Po 1945 roku budynki były użytkowane przez Uniwersytet i Politechnikę Wrocławską, od 1951 przez Politechnikę Wrocławską. Gmach szkoły został ukształtowany na sposób średniowieczny - urozmaicony ryzalitami, szczytami i wieżami. Otrzymał on romanizujące wnętrza i secesyjną dekorację. Architektura budynku, w którym kształcono przyszłych mistrzów i techników budowlanych, służyła celom dydaktycznym, prezentując różnorodne materiały budowlane oraz systemy konstrukcyjne. Zasada ta dotyczyła m.in.: dachów, stropów, sklepień, filarów i kolumn, schodów, materiałów wykończeniowych. Formy kamiennych dekoracji elewacji i wnętrz wiązały się z symboliką państwa, miasta i przedmiotów wykładowych lub miały wydźwięk moralizatorsko-dydaktyczny. Dekoracje rzeźbiarskie i kamienne detale architektoniczne szkoły wykonała wrocławska firma Künzel & Hiller, a elewacji domu dyrektorów - Zeidler & Wimmel z Bolesławca. Autorem polichromii ścian auli był Hans Rumsch. Aula z oryginalnym wystrojem snycerskim, wieszarową konstrukcją dachu, jest najcenniejszym zachowanym wnętrzem.
PL
W artykule poruszono zagadnienia dotyczące problemów związanych popularyzacją architektury z przełomu XIX i XX stulecia w szerokich kręgach społecznych. Jest to szczególnie trudne w miastach o złożonej, wielonarodowościowej historii. Różne formy upowszechniania wiedzy o architekturze pokazano na przykładzie Bydgoszczy, miasta którego większość tkanki miejskiej pochodzi z okresu zaborów pruskich. Dzięki projektom mającym na celu popularyzację architektury, przestaje ona być tylko poniemiecką spuścizną, a staje się częścią lokalnego dziedzictwa kulturowego.
EN
The article is about problems with popularization knowledge about buildings erected in XIX and at the beginning of XX century. It is very hard, especially in the cities with multicultural history. The example of that kind of city, is Bydgoszcz. The point of this article is to show projects about popularization of the architecture in Bydgoszcz.
PL
Bramy kamienic i domów były jednym z najbardziej zindywidualizowanych i nieszablonowych wytworów warszawskiego przemysłu artystycznego. W najwyższym stopniu wśród innych rodzajów detalu miały status detalu artystycznego. Ze względu na materiał, z którego zostały wykonane, można wyróżnić bramy: drewniane, drewniane z żelaznymi kratami i żelazne. Ze względu na budowę można wyróżnić bramy: dwuskrzydłowe, dwuskrzydłowe z nieruchomym nadślemiem, trójskrzydłowe. Wszystkie miały furtki dla ruchu pieszego w ramach jednego ze skrzydeł. Odcień stylowy bram był dostosowywany do odcienia stylowego fasady, ale nie była to zasada rygorystycznie przestrzegana. Z okazji przebudów, wymian zużytego detalu, kamienice starsze otrzymywały nowe bramy w aktualnym odcieniu stylowym. Ewolucja stylistyczna bram podążała za ogólnymi tendencjami stylowymi.
EN
Gates of tenements and houses were one of the most individual and original products of Warsaw artistic manufacturing in the second half of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. They represented the status of artistic detail to the highest extent amongst other types of detail. According to the material they were made from, we can distinguish wooden gates, wooden gates with metal bars, and metal ones. In reference to construction we can divide gates into two-wings, two-wings with a transom window, and three-wings. All of them had wickets for pedestrian traffic within one of the wings. The stylish colour of the gates matched the stylish colour of the facade; this principle was not strictly obeyed. During reconstructions and replacements of worn details, old tenement houses obtained new gates in the present stylish colour. The stylish evolution of gates followed the general style trends.
4
Content available remote Poznań i Szczecin początków XX w. w orbicie wpływów Berlina
PL
Poznań i Szczecin, podobnie jak Wrocław, Gdańsk czy Toruń należą do miast, których dzisiejsze oblicze urbanistyczne i architektoniczne w dużej mierze ukształtowane zostało na przełomie XIX i XX w. pod wpływem Berlina. Dziedzictwo epoki wilhelmińskiej zaważyło na działaniach architektów i urbanistów XX i początków XXI w. wszystkich wspomnianych powyżej miast. W Poznaniu widać to doskonale w działaniach polskich architektów okresu międzywojennego, tworzących PWK, jak rownież w koncepcjach dotyczących ulicy Św. Marcin - zarówno zrealizowanych, jak i tylko dyskutowanych. W Szczecinie znaczenie dzieł powstałych na przełomie stuleci widoczne jest zarówno w planach tworzenia nowego centrum tworzonych w latach trzydziestych przez Hansa Reichowa, a po 1945 r. przez Piotra Zarembę. Zabierając głos w dyskusji w ramach konferencji poświęconej architekturze Poznania w XX w., chciałbym skupić się nad kwestią związków Poznania i Szczecina z Berlinem w okresie od początków XX w. do I wojny światowej, a więc w okresie niezwykle istotnym dla architektury ośrodka berlińskiego. Kwestia to była już kilkakrotnie poruszana, w odniesieniu do Poznania przez Zofię Ostrowską-Kębłowską i Jana Skuratowicza, w stosunku do Szczecina przez Bogdanę Kozińską i piszącego te słowa. W moim obecnym wystąpieniu chciałbym się skupić nad zagadnieniem natury tych związków, wymagającym bez wątpienia dalszych studiów. Jest to istotne z pewnością w odniesieniu do Poznania, w którym rosnący wpływ architektury berlińskiej wpisywał się w zaostrzający się konflikt między polskim w przeważającej mierze społeczeństwem miasta a władzami pruskimi, wywołany coraz bardziej bezwzględną polityką germanizacyjną państwa. Jednak w przypadku Szczecina jest to kwestia równie ważna ze względu na szczególnie bliskie związki tego miasta z metropolią berlińską. Specyfikę sytuacji architektury Poznania i Szczecina można zatem odczytać porównując je ze sobą - w kontekście oddziaływania metropolii. Dzięki temu porównaniu można również wskazać zakres i charakter wpływów Berlina, a także stopień samodzielności obu ośrodków.
EN
Poznań and Szczecin belong to the group of cities whose current imaged was, to a large extent, shaped at the end of the XIX and beginning of XX centuries under the influence of Berlin. For this reason, the nature of the relationship of Poznan and Szczecin with the Berlin metropolis is one of the most important issues that should be addressed in research regarding the architecture of these cities. In Poznan, the influence of Berlin architecture was reflected in the conflict between the Polish society and the Prussian authorities. This was also an important issue in Szczecin, due to the especially closes relationship of this city with the Berlin metropolis. Therefore, the specific situation of the architecture of Poznań and Szczecin can be understood by comparing them with one another - in the context of the influence of the metropolis, and by indicating the level of independency of both cities. The speech addressed the issue of the different historical context of Poznan and Szczecin and its impact upon architecture. Despite fundamental differences at this level, the architecture of both cities demonstrates many common features, similarities in the manner of reception of the Berlin patterns were clearly noticeable. This results from the similar situation of Szczecin and Poznań as cities dependent in several aspects on the Berlin metropolis. A vital factor making both of these cities similar was the privileged situation of Berlin architects related to the court and central offices in Prussia. They designed almost all governmental and imperial buildings i.e. the majority of monumental buildings, influencing in a fundamental manner the architecture of Wilhelm's Szczecin and Poznań. The lack of local institutions educating architects resulted in the fact that, architects educated in other centres, particularly in Berlin, worked in both Poznań and Szczecin. The majority of customers also looked to Berlin patterns. Berlin was the city they visited most often, and with which they had frequent business and social relations. Further comparative studies in this area are even more promising, and obviously they should not be limited to Szczecin and Poznań, but also include other cities that were under similar dependency of Berlin in the XIX and XX centuries.
EN
In the wake of the tumultuous revolutionary and post-revolutionary sociopolitical events marking the end of the eighteenth century, nineteenth-century European social and philosophical thought began to intensively focus on the fundamental unit of civic society - the family, and thus on its rural and town residence, now perceived as the mainstay of morality and social order. Upon the basis of Polish theory of architecture and civil engineering, one of the first effects of intensified interest in popular housing was the process of finally rendering a precise framework programme of the landowners' functional residence (approx. mid-nineteenth century). This programme provided a basis for an extremely dynamic crystallisation, especially from the 1880s, of the functional-spatial contents of the twentieth-century Polish manor house. The programme modifications and corrections introduced as demands made by the landowners constantly grew in the second half of the nineteenth century, and concerned issues of a social-domestic, hygienic and technological-technical nature, were, obviously accompanied by a transformation of the traditional spatial configuration of the gentry residence, based on a suite of rooms following in succession. Such a transformation fully reflected European departure from the official, so-called open model of the residential house, for the sake of one based on the ethical model of the "moral house" of the middle classes. The arrangement of the interior of such a house was, on the one hand, to reflect the patriarchal hierarchy of the structure of the landowner's family and, on the other hand, to guarantee both the family as a whole and each of its members individually as a means of preserving indispensable privacy and comfort. In Polish model designs from the second half of the nineteenth century the above-mentioned spatial changes were predominantly discernible in the increasingly rare application of connecting rooms, and thus in a more extensive employment of the corridor system. The latter was combined with the traditional manor house entrance hallway and the additional, as a second rule, independent side lobbies, introduced in the later half of the nineteenth century to the smaller manor houses, thus creating a base for a collision-free system of inner communication in the "moral" model of landowners' residences. Only at the turn of the nineteenth century, and influenced by a fascination for the comfort and practicality of English country houses, which grew also among Polish theoreticians of rural architecture, did the programme and spatial corrections start to relate to a transference of accents from stately rooms to residential and household-hygienic interiors in the domestic residence; i.e. the introduction within their programme and, as a consequence, also in their planning, of an essential transformation of utilitarian/functional priorities in the plans. The tendency towards expanding and perfecting the programme of the domestic servants' quarters, kitchen and WC in modal designs inspired by English models, evolved rapidly, but the idea of limiting the stately part of the manor house did not make any impact - probably due to the still lively tradition of celebrating old Polish hospitality. This is also the reason why, from the perspective of time, it was precisely the process of devising a suitably spatial sequence of residential rooms together with a complex of kitchen-economic and toilet-hygienic interiors, recently introduced into the canon of the medium prosperous rural landowner's residence, which need to be recognised as the last important element in the spatial-functional evolution of its arrangement, initiated around the middle of the nineteenth century. In ca. 1900 this evolution, performed for the sake of the comfort and health of the residents, resulted in a final emergence of a fundamental functional-planning scheme of the twentieth-century residence of the medium prosperous Polish landowner. Until 1939, as modern technical household infrastructure progressed and the system of organising household chores improved, the theoreticians of rural residential housing only perfected the details. The first serious opinions expressed concerning the cultivation, at least in the countryside, of local architectural tradition and conceiving, upon its basis, of a native "style", did not appear in Polish professional periodicals until the onset of criticism in reaction to the tide of cosmopolitan-eclectic architectural designs at the end of the nineteenth century. In about 1910, the supporters of a renaissance of national architecture, who in the first decade of the twentieth century were recruited from among the adherents of the applied arts and Modernism, sharing a readiness to resolve the residential question by resorting to the idea of the garden city, after a short-lived fascination with the so called Zakopane style, finally recognised the traditional gentry manor house to be the future-oriented model of the "Polish domestic house". The latter was universally perceived as a type of building very strongly connected with the Polish landscape and customs. In addition, it was, from the architectural point of view, well analysed thanks to the studio material and designs amassed in the 1903-1910 period, with its numerous architectural competitions and exhibitions. Forms of the contemporary "native" manor house, devised by local architects prior to 1914, were derived mainly from the Polish Baroque and Classicism. They included high hip roofs, sometimes broken, with attics, roof projections of assorted scales, colonnade porticoes and porches surmounted by triangular or Baroque-fantastic gables, maintained in the spirit of early Modernism, and enhanced with the picturesque qualities of the English cottage - all introduced into the theory and practice of architecture in an atmosphere of traditionalism. In wartime and the postwar period this trend grew, not only in Polish society, but in the whole of Europe, in preparation for, and subsequently engaged in reconstruction. Already in about 1925 the "manor house" forms, transferred to urban and suburban conditions, proved to be "helpless" in the face of the functional and, predominantly, social challenges of interwar residential housing.; in the Polish countryside, however, they passed the test, and developed throughout the whole inter-war period (1918-1939). During the reconstruction stage they made a relevant contribution to an effective elimination from the landscape of cosmopolitan-eclectic architectural "jerry building", and in the subsequent period, despite waning interest in the architectures of the landowners' residences on the part of the theoreticians and designers (noticeable from about the mid-1920s), they effectively sustained and rendered indelible stylised motifs of local architectural tradition. The newly recreated Polish state which as a consequence of the partitions did not comprise a uniform economic-administrative organism, and suffered from the damage inflicted on several thousand villages, including about 850 000 domestic buildings, including manor houses, entered the stage of peacetime development from as late as 1921. Despite the fact that until 1929 the country enjoyed favourable market conditions for agriculture, this period, as a rule, was not conducive for housing investments on the part of landowners. Up to 1929 such investments were hampered by uncertainty about the outcome of land reform, and in later years the main reason lay in the economic stagnation of the Great Depression. This is why in 1918-1939 an overwhelming majority of the owners of medium and smaller landed estates, even those who had already attained a certain economic success, continued to cultivate the traditional style of their economic and home life, and fashioned their houses modestly and extremely frugally. The rather low standard and relative austerity of the landowners' lifestyle, even if only by limiting access to electrical power, much lower than in the urban houses raised in the inter-war period, was reflected in research conducted in the 1920s and 1930s by experts on hygiene, architects and landowners' associations. It is thanks to these studies that it is known how a major part of the manor houses of the period remained extremely modest both inside and outside. Their characteristic feature was chaotic plan and an excessively expanded reception part of the house in relation to the residential rooms. Some of the buildings under investigation disclosed elementary gaps in their furnishing. At the beginning of the 1930s the majority of manor houses in Płock Mazovia which, as a rule, contained 6-8 rooms, was still wooden. Only a third was installed with plumbing, and electricity was available only in manors located near industrial enterprises. In the region of Lublin the standard of the landowners' residences, on the average composed of 11 rooms, was slightly higher. Here too, however, only half had running water, and a fifth-electricity. Judging by such a low standard of a larger part of the landowner' homes, which in the medium prosperous landed estates of the Second Republic totalled about 13 000, it may be concluded that very few were built after 1918. This fact together with the absence of material documenting their original appliances and fittings, as well as the insufficient state and range of research concerning their architecture, concentrated so far almost exclusively on style and form, makes it extremely difficult to propose a more extensive assessment of the scope of realising new, exemplary solutions. This is the reason why all that we can say at present about shaping a programme and spatial configuration in the 1918-1939 period amounts to a series of observations. One of these confirms the fact that the conception promoted by inter-war theoreticians and architects, namely, to replace the main entrance hall, modelled on its English counterpart, with a so-called hallway, resulted only in raising the standard of the manorial antechamber so that, apart from communication functions, it could, at least to a limited extent, also fulfil residential-stately functions. The plans and programmes of smaller landowners' residences also did not reflect on a larger scale the proposal of a radical limitation of their stately part. Not many landowners approved of the suggestions made by the theoreticians; i.e. introducing to the interior elements conducive for modern, greater functional flexibility, such as sliding doors between the dining room and the living room or study. The owners continued to build manors in which, contrary to the recommendations of the theoreticians, the set of residential-stately rooms was not connected directly with the garden surrounding the house. The modern functional-spatial solutions advised by the theoreticians of rural architecture did, however, contain ideas which were accepted and implemented by a majority of the landowners. These included respect for the privacy of members of the household, and grouping the interiors strictly according to their functions. In the interiors of many residences analysed by the author, this meant a radical limitation of the number of suites of rooms lying in one line and, as a consequence, the expansion of inner corridor connections. The kitchen-household interiors were also granted a permanent localisation, in consideration of the comfort of the home-hold members and in accordance with the suggestions made by professionals. As a rule, this set was functionally planned and, similarly to the master study, and given a separate entrance. In the majority of manor houses such interiors were localised correctly according to tradition; i.e. in the gable wall of the house and facing the rear courtyard. In the newly built manors suitable space was assigned to hygienic-sanitary facilities, which were already, as far as possible, arranged and furnished in a thoroughly modern fashion. Throughout the inter-war years the form and style of the architecture of landowners' manor houses were dominated by vernacular motifs, applied either in the firm of direct "quotations" from the architectural past, or in a shape stylised in the spirit of early Modernism. We cannot, however, omit the fact that the landowners' residences featured a rational, modernist-functional design manner, promoted mainly by Warsaw-based architects. This trend became increasingly universal in Poland from about 1925, although it was introduced in a highly specific manner and limited by traditional construction technology. In the case of numerous manor houses, especially those built in the 1930s, it was applied while retaining the appearances of architectural traditionalism, and became discernible in the laconic form of the outer form and detail.
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