Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Politická diferencia a feministická teória

100%

Kobová Ľ.

Gender, rovné příležitosti, výzkum (Gender, Equal Opportunities, Research)

|

2012

|

tom 13

|

nr 2

18-27

EN

The paper discusses the uses of the concept of the political in both feminist political theory and mainstream postfoundational political theory, and its implications for feminist political theorizing today. In feminist theory, the concept primarily emerged as a counter-reaction to the disputed foundations of feminism, the subject of women. The political was identified with contingency and contingent foundations; however, no thorough exploration of the term was carried out within the field of feminist theorizing. The mainstream postfoundational political theory rests in identifying political difference, i.e. a difference between the ontic level of politics and its foundations on ontological level. I introduce Mouffe’s notion of agonism as an exemplary normative theory of political difference. Next to it I juxtapose Jacques Rancière’s approach which attempts to undermine the distinctions on which ontological political differences are based. His account of politics seems to point beyond ontologization of politics and, instead, focuses on the immanent plane of politics, in which the given, the visible can be merely recomposed. In conclusion I link his account to that of Linda Zerilli’s political judgment, and argue for a feminist political philosophy and theory without the need for a purified founding concept of the political.

2

Critical Legal Theory in Central and Eastern Europe: In Search of Method

100%

Mańko R.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica

|

2019

|

tom 89

5-14

EN

Critical legal theory emerged in the United States in the 1970s, at a time when Central and Eastern Europe belonged to the Soviet bloc and was subject to the system of actually existing socialism. Therefore, the arrival of critical jurisprudence into the region was delayed. In Poland, the first texts on critical and postmodern legal theory began to appear at the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s. Lech Morawski’s monograph, characteristically entitled What Legal Scholarship Has to Gain from Postmodernism?, published in 2001, officially inaugurated a broader interest in postmodern legal theory. Adam Sulikowski has been the main representative of critical legal theory in Poland, developing a postmodern theory of constitutionalism. Other sub-fields of postmodern and critical legal theory, gradually developing in Central European jurisprudence, include such areas as law and literature, law and ideology, law and neocolonial theory, as well as feminist jurisprudence. There is a noticeably growing influence of critical sociology and critical discourse analysis which seem to be a promising paradigm for invigorating critical legal theory from an empirical perspective. The concept of “the political”, in the sense used by Chantal Mouffe, has been evoked to propose a “political theory of law” conceived as an analysis of the juridical phenomenon through the lens of the political. Recently, it has found its concrete applications in the political theory of judicial decision-making.

3

Stefan Wołoszyn, Pedagogika sofistów. Studium z dziejów antycznej kultury pedagogicznej

100%

Folkierska A.

Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny

|

2014

|

nr 3(233)

133-146

EN

The article comprises a summary as well as a commentary to Stefan Wołoszyn’s study: Sophists’ Education. A Study to the History of Ancient Pedagogical Culture. Its purpose is to develop some of Wołoszyn’s themes and to see them in a subtly different light. Is shows the way in which the problem of “civic virtue” is embedded in the question of the political dimension of human condition. Is also presents Sophists as authors of inter-subjective, rhetoric-dialectical discourse.

4

POLITICAL THEORY'S IMAGINATION. A FEW REMARKS ON WIKTOR MARZEC BOOK

100%

Ozimek M.

Society Register

|

2017

|

tom 1

|

nr 1

167-181

EN

Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C. W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination – which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec’s paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it’s in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering – in this context – fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.

5

Polityczność choreografii dla rodzin z perspektywy performance as research

88%

Bylka-Kanecka H.

Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna

|

2022

|

nr 167

209-235

EN

The aim of the paper is to provide a reflection on the choreographic practice in the field of dance performance for families in the context of related fields of politicalness, from the perspective of performance as research. The author describes some important moments in the global and Polish cultural policy concerning dance for children and presents an understanding of politicalness after Ana Vujanović and Mark Franko. The text undertakes reflection on the usefulness of the language of posthumanism (Chikako Takeshita, Karen Barad and Donna Haraway) in research into choreography intended for families. The author gives an insight into the creative practice by analysing the dimensions of politicalness in three performances by the Holobiont collective which she co-founded.

6

Politika mezi homogenitou a sociálním antagonismem : Hledání státnosti v epoše pluralismu v politické teorii Carla Schmitta

88%

Belling V.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

|

2017

|

tom 65

|

nr 3

361-383

EN

The political theory of Carl Schmitt is currently experiencing a renaissance in its reception. In this paper, I propose to distinguish between the normative and descriptive elements of Schmitt’s notion of the state. While being a strong advocate of the principle of political unity emerging from a concrete social antagonism, Schmitt was, at the same time, a decided critic of the current form of liberal Rechtsstaat. He actually subordinated the notion of state to the notion of the political. If we may call him an étatist, then it is only if we have in mind a narrow concept of the state which is related to the concept of the political. Only such a state can play the integrative role in a differentiated society and become the basis of social legitimacy “from below”.

7

Negatywność i bios politikos Translacja tego , co polityczne , we współczesnej włoskiej filozofii politycznej

88%

Ratajczak M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2015

|

nr 8(39)

111-140

EN

The article is concentrated around the thesis claiming that the political, understood as a domain independent from the others factors (such as social, economic, biopolitical, etc.) determining life, requires some kind of a negative mediation. Nevertheless, the most important philosophers for the paper try to go rather beyond the modern (Hegelian) limitation of the negativity. In the first part, the thesis is tested against the theorists connected with the Lacanian Left, so the philosophical proposition of E. Laclau and Ch. Mouffe (the „antagonism” and the „constitutive lack”) is discussed as well as J. Rancière’s concept of the „disagreement”. However, the main attention is attracted first and foremost to the contemporary Italian philosophy starting with the debate between M. Cacciari and A. Negri in the 60s. Then the role of the negative within the thought of R. Esposito is analyzed in close relation to his concept of the community (and the forces immunized us from it), whereas in the case of the philosophical projects of P. Virno and G. Agamben, it is rather the language (its dispositive) that introduces the negative into the human life. Finally the negativity seems to constitute a particular kind of human life’s potentiality.

8

Teoria jako ontologiczna retoryka: Rousseau i krystalizacja dyskursu pedagogicznego

88%

Szkudlarek T.

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

|

2017

|

tom 12

|

nr 2

55-82

PL

Assuming the ontological understanding of rhetoric, as proposed by Ernesto Laclau, the paper explores the language of educational theories in their dimensions significant in terms of the discursive construction of societies. The tropes and rhetorical strategies identified in J.J.Rousseau’s works are assumed as the point of departure for the crystallization of the modern discourse of education, here understood as an ontologically indispensable element of the political.

9

Antropologia zaangażowana w Polsce. Poza postmodernistyczną koncepcję nauki

88%

Songin-Mokrzan M.

Lud

|

2013

|

tom 97

110-132

EN

The article presents a discussion on engaged anthropology, conducted since 2004 by ethnologists in Poland, which addresses the issue of the discipline’s identity. The purpose of this article is to look at how researchers redefine anthropology in the spirit of commitment and responsibility, and to place these considerations in a broader social and historical context. The author argues that the reception of postmodernism had the greatest influence on the development of reflection on the engagement in Polish ethnology. Postmodern anthropology is characterised by a critical reflection on fundamental anthropological issues such as: fieldwork research methods, knowledge and modes of its legitimation, the research subject, and methodological procedures. This critical approach contributed to the emergence of a new paradigm of knowledge. At the same time it caused a lot of tension and concerns related to the status of anthropology as a science, and triggered the reflection centred on the question: how should modern anthropology be characterised? One of the answers is that anthropology should be engaged. This proposal can be seen as an attempt to break the cognitive scepticism which is associated with postmodern reflection. It is also an attempt, taken up by Polish ethnologists, to deal with the dilemma of reconstructing the discipline’s identity in the face of contemporary challenges.

10

The Politicality of Choreography for Families from the Perspective of Performance as Research

88%

Bylka-Kanecka H. , Jaskulski J.

Didaskalia. Gazeta Teatralna

|

2022

|

nr English Issue 2022

4-30

EN

The aim of the paper is to provide a reflection on the choreographic practice in the field of dance performance for families in the context of related fields of politicalness, from the perspective of performance as research. The author describes some important moments in the global and Polish cultural policy concerning dance for children and presents an understanding of politicalness after Ana Vujanović and Mark Franko. The text undertakes reflection on the usefulness of the language of posthumanism (Chikako Takeshita, Karen Barad and Donna Haraway) in research into choreography intended for families. The author gives an insight into the creative practice by analysing the dimensions of politicalness in three performances by the Holobiont collective which she co-founded.

11

Restoring the Distinctiveness of Politics: On the Political and the Forms of Rule

88%

Bates C. A. , Shelley T.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2023

|

nr 1(52)

7-28

EN

We argue that the current understanding of politics is caught in a tug of war between “economistic” and “postmodern” views, neither of which captures the distinctiveness of political rule and consequently instills confusion among citizens and misplaced expectations from leaders. Drawing largely on Aristotle, who warned precisely against this error, we consider the logic of mastery and contrast it to paternal rule. Then we discuss the voluntary nature of economic activity to distinguish it from the involuntary nature of mastery, before turning to discuss the political proper, which is a combination or mixture of these two that nevertheless makes it qualitatively distinct. These distinctions help us to better appreciate what is a likeness between political and economic, on the one hand, and between political and paternal, on the other while realising that political rule is not exhausted by either economic or paternal alone. The paper seeks to show that political rule finds itself as an in-between condition that balances itself against despotic, mastery, and the kind of care that paternal rule points to.

12

Erós a spravedlnost : Erotický původ společnosti

88%

Mensch J.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

|

2014

|

tom 62

|

nr 2, Special No: Za hranicemi tváře. Levinas a socialita

21-39

EN

Readers of Levinas are often puzzled by the move from the ethical to the political. The ethical relation is that of the face-to-face. It is marked by inequality and exclusivity. The political, however, is characterized by equality and universality. Since the Enlightenment, its ideal has been a justice that is no respecter of persons; the touchstone of the political has been equal justice for all. How, then, are we to move from the ethical to the political? Does Levinas provide us with a way to mediate between the two? The very notion of mediation presupposes that there are levels that intervene between the individual and the political. For Levinas, such levels are provided by the family. This, I argue, is the import of Levinas’s account in Totality and Infinity of the erotic origin of society. In the final sections of this article, I draw out the implications of Levinas’s account of fecundity for the concept of the political.

13

On the notion of the political in feminist theory

88%

Kobová Ľ.

Human Affairs

|

2015

|

tom 25

|

nr 2

164-172

EN

The turn of the 1990s saw the emergence of “the political” in feminist theory. Despite there being a number of publications devoted to the theme, the concept itself has remained rather undertheorized. Instead of producing a thoroughly developed concept, it served to create an epistemic community devoted to the (supposedly dead, modernist) political aim of women’s emancipation. In the article, I argue that it would be beneficent for feminist theory to adopt an affirmative stance towards the contingency of politics. This of course poses a challenge to feminist politics, which still operates mainly within the framework of the politics of representation. Nevertheless, Linda Zerilli’s approach, which interprets contingency in an Arendtian vein as the condition of the world-creating and world-building power of feminism as a practice of freedom may prove to be a productive way of approaching the challenging issue of contingency in feminist theory

14

Co może dać nauce prawa polityczność? Przyczynek do przyszłych badań

75%

Paździora M. , Stambulski M.

Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej

|

2014

|

tom 1(8)

55-66

PL

The political is a category entirely absent in the Polish theory and philosophy of law. Article presents history of “the political”, category developed by thinkers such as M. Weber, K. Marx, C. Schmitt, Ch. Mouffe and the main assumptions of the practical aims of theory of law present in alternative projects: Poznań-Szczecin methodological school and L. Morawski critical theory. Despite the declared theoretical differences, both projects are characterized by a similar understanding of the theory, which involves the objectivity of knowledge with involvement of universal point of view. Thus, the inclusion of the category of political in both projects, especially in legal education, is ignored.

15

Polityczność jako obietnica nowego świata. Myśl polityczna Hannah Arendt

75%

Sawicka J.

IDEA. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych

|

2011

|

tom 23

135-147

EN

The paper offers a view on Hannah Arendt's understanding of the political, and hence of the factors (structural rather than historical) that destroy true politics and human dignity. Her interpretation of a mass society is discussed as the result of confusing private and public spheres. In its fully-fledged form this results in totalitarian movements, which homogenise individuals thereby corrupting the political dimension of the common world. The author attempts to explain this process.

16

In Defence of the Political The Crisis of Democracy and the Return of the People from the Perspective of Foucault and Rancière

75%

Błesznowski B.

Polish Sociological Review

|

2012

|

tom 179

|

nr 3

331-348

EN

Taking as his point of departure the London Tottenham riots, a product of a mob lacking political consciousness and postulates, the author strives to identify the fundamental deadlock (aporia) confronting western parliamentary democracy.Nowadays, collective phenomena are analyzed within a moral-economic frameworkwhich reduces the perspective on society to a sumof individuals. This contradiction is responsible for the reductionism which is leading the latest theories of social and political philosophy to the conclusion that we have reached “the end of politics” and are venturing into the “postpolitical era.” According to this author, rather than describing the essence of the problem, these terms are merely skimming the discursive problem. If, as Foucault would have it, discourse is always a specific practice, the aforementioned reductionism can also be approached as a political strategy. Therefore, in order to grasp the “political” as a feature of the situation in which the people are participants, rather than in substantial terms, the author discusses the theory of development of the modern political subject within the framework of Michel Foucault’s liberal “government” paradigm and Jacques Rancière’s theory of democracy as a proper political element. Drawing upon these two thinkers, he sketches the genealogy of contemporary liberal democracy, stigmatized by the increasing rift between the people’s political activity and the managerial class’s apolitical reproduction.

17

Fencing In and Out: Israel's Separation Wall and the Whitewashing of State Violence

75%

Sa’ar A. , Aharoni S. B. , Lewin A. C.

Review of International American Studies

|

2018

|

tom 11

|

nr 1

EN

Amalia Sa’ar (University of Haifa, Israel)Sarai Aharoni (Ben-Gurion University, Israel) Alisa Lewin (University of Haifa, Israel) Fencing In and Out: Israel's Separation Wall and the Whitewashing of State Violence Abstract: This essay uses the case of Israel's Separation Wall to address the role of walls in the articulation of security, violence, vulnerability, and danger. In Israel, "security" refers exclusively to the Jewish citizens, whether they are fenced in (residing within the Green Line) or outside it (such as West Bank settlers). For the Palestinians, by contrast, the wall is yet another instrument of structural and symbolic violence. While Israeli Jews are vaguely aware of "the occupation," they largely remain blissfully unaware of the violent under-side of everyday civil security, which the wall represents. Tracing the ways in which Jewish citizens living inside the Green Line experience and accommodate the wall, this essay analyzes its role in whitewashing state violence and in the ongoing construction of subject positions with respect to the security-violence complex. Keywords: security, state violence, gated communities, misrecognition, the political, Israel-Palestine, Separation Wall

18

In search for the ontological presuppositions of critical jurisprudence

75%

Mańko R. , Łakomy J.

Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne studia nad prawem

|

2018

|

tom 10

|

nr 2

469-486

EN

The aim of the present article is to reflect upon the ontological presuppositions of critical jurisprudence (critical legal science), understood as a set of assumptions in the domain of social ontology, which determine the identity of this form of general reflection upon law. The article proposes to identify four such assumptions: the assumption concerning the political character of the social world; the assumption on the social construction of the social world; the assumption of paninterpretationism; the assumption of the existence of epistemic communities.

19

Teologia polityczna i etyka

71%

Jędrzejczak H. A.

Nauka i Szkolnictwo Wyższe

|

2013

|

nr 1(41)

12-28

EN

In this article I show the relationship between political theology and ethics on the example of three twentieth-century texts of German thinkers: Carl Schmitt, Johann Baptist Metz and Dietrich Bonhoeffer. When discussing the concept of each of them I’m trying to provide a definition of political theology, which is present (explicitly or implicitly) in the selected works and consider how the ethical component is enclosed in them. Since the history of ideas methodology was used during work on the essay, the text also points out the elements of the environment and intellectual climate of thinkers contemporary to the main protagonists, who may have influenced their thoughts and works. The most important - and most widely discussed – is the concept of the deutsche Sonderweg (based on idea of translation Imperii, described by Jacques le Goff, which was the base of belief of the special role which Germany plays in the history and of its responsibility for the fate of the world) and the specific German ”confessionalization”, strongly binding structures of the ecclesiastical and State authorities.

PL

W niniejszym artykule przedstawiam relację pomiędzy teologią polityczną a etyką na przykładzie tekst.w trzech dwudziestowiecznych myślicieli niemieckich: Carla Schmitta, Johanna Baptisty Metza i Dietricha Bonhoeffera. Przy omawianiu koncepcji każdego z nich staram się przedstawić definicję teologii politycznej obecnej (explicite bądź implicite) w wybranych dziełach i zastanowić się, na ile jest w niej obecny komponent etyczny. Ponieważ w pracy nad esejem posługiwałam się metodologią właściwą historii idei, w tekście wskazuję również te elementy środowiska i klimatu intelektualnego współczesnych wymienionym myślicielom, kt.re wpłynęły na kształt ich myśli i twórczości. Najważniejsze – i najszerzej omówione – to koncepcja deutsche Sonderweg (oparte na opisanej przez Jacquesa le Goff idei translatio Imperii przekonanie o szczególnej roli Niemiec w dziejach i ich odpowiedzialności za losy świata) oraz specyficzna niemiecka konfesjonalizacja, silnie wiążąca struktury władzy kościelnej z władzą państwową.

20

Poza politykę odmowy? Billy Budd Hermana Melville’a jako traktat o translacji.

63%

Bogalecki P.

Kultura i Polityka

|

2011

|

nr 10

55-76

PL

Artykuł stanowi próbę reinterpretacji opowiadania Billy Budd – artystycznego i filozoficznego testamentu Hermanna Melville’a (1819–1891). Odwołując się do jednej z najważniejszych opozycji Polityki Arystotelesa, a mianowicie do rozróżnienia na logos i fone, oraz przywołując prace współczesnych filozofów polityki (przede wszystkim Dzielenie postrzegalnego Jacques’a Rancière’a, O polityczności Chantal Mouffe i Politykę natury Brunona Latoura), próbuje on włączyć się w dyskusję na temat problemu mediacji w społeczeństwach nowoczesnych. Dzięki namysłowi nad zaproponowaną przez Latoura definicją rzecznika rozpoznaje on właściwie znaczenie każdego aktu politycznego w kategoriach translacji. Tezę tę sprawdza i weryfikuje odczytanie Billy’ego Budda, skoncentrowane szczególnie na jego metaforyce i zmuszające do ponownego przemyślenia pojęcia „barbarzyńskości”, co odbywa się na drodze interpretacji problemów artykulacyjnych i jąkania głównego bohatera tekstu Melville’a.

EN

Coming back to Aristotle’s Politics and recognizing a distinction between logos and fone as one of his most important ideas, the essay tries to reinterpret the short novel Billy Budd, Sailor – the artistic and philosophical testament of Herman Melville (1819–1891). According to contemporary political philosophers’ theses, especially The Distribution of the Sensible by Jacques Rancière, On the Political by Chantal Mouffe and Politics of Nature by Bruno Latour, the essay contributes to ongoing discussions of the role of mediation in modern society. Using Latour’s definition of the spokesman and deducting about his important function it discovers the real meaning of each political act as a form of translation. This main thesis is verifying by the interpretation of Billy Budd focused especially on its metaphors and challenging us to rethink not only the word, but also the deep substance of “barbarity”, and to elaborate the motive of main character’s problems in articulation and stutter.