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EN
Wacław Lipiński- famous Ukrainian activist of early XX century. He wanted to unite nation on the basis of territorial patriotism. The term “territorial patriotism” in the XIX century, was characteristic for several scientific schools, but the first serious group was “peasants” in the early 60's of the XIX century. The issue of “territorialism” Lipinski presented as follows: everyone regardless of ethnicity, religion or language, everyone who resides on the land which used to belong to Ukraine is Ukrainian. Ukraine should be homeland for all its citizens. “Ukrainian is anyone who wants to, Ukraine ceased to be a colony”.
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In contrast to the prevailing in the 70s, 80s and 90s concepts on nation-building and national consciousness, the author develops the idea of the Norwegian national identity being present in the Middle Ages, modified and strengthened in the period of the union with Denmark (16th–18th centuries), and during the union with Sweden in the 19th century. In this time, the national identity grew into a political programme of regaining independence and building a national culture.
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Content available Ethos, boundaries and practical tasks of patriotism
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The main thesis of this article states that patriotism constitutes a key role in the process of globalization. The author perceives the moral dimension of nation and homeland categories as the validation of such a position. Patriotism, which is not chauvinism, deeply connects with its own nation, as well as homeland, and due to its very nature, should be open to foreigners and other nations.
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Content available remote Narrative identity: The Canon as Identity Narrative
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The main focus of this paper is to address problematic issues inherent in the canon, whichcan be understood as a construct that enables the production of the common universe ofimages and symbols, which support the collective memory, that is an indispensable elementof the collective identity of social groups, including nations. In such understandingof the canon, it is a cultural construct which itself also constructs culture. This dual natureof the canon becomes particularly obvious in the case of national educational canonsconnected to complex collective subjects. Participation in the canon as a cultural text ispartially indicative of belonging to a certain group, and thus guaranteeing one’s individualidentity. Education, however, is the field of constant debate, a polemical discourse andother forms of cultural dispute which may come under the header of ideological wars. Theinextricable connection between ideology and education can be expressed in the formof a dilemma: what kind of person do we wish to raise, and how do we identify what itmeans to be a citizen, and does he/she have exhibit patriotism as a result? In this context,the question about the educational canon emerging from these debates is also a questionabout the image of culture and its dominant narrations defining ways of constructing andfulfilment of identity.
EN
XXI Century requires new approach to mutual relations of civilizations, if we wish to avoid the fate predicted by Samuel Huntington. We have to study carefully and without prejudice our respective achievements and see whether we can run better each our own civilization. One such case is Europe and India or better the whole of South Asia. An oxymoron definition of their mutual relationship is suggested. They are “twins-unlike” civilizations, being similar on many counts but dissimilar as their ‘personalities’ go. The most fascinating confrontation in their respect is provided by comparison of two social entities: the European ‘nation’ and the India ‘caste’ as well as umma and qaum. The conclusion of this comparison is strikingly political. European Union could solve its problems with supra-national integration if Europeans remodel their sense of mega-tribal identity putting more stress on competence of their respective nations as the main national identity factor while the peoples of South Asia could solve the problem of painful division of the Subcontinent by bestowing paraphernalia of sovereignty upon the constituent parts of both India and Pakistan.
EN
John Paul II in his teaching about Poland and patriotism defines Poland as a “special mother”. It is due to the fact that the Pope places Polish patriotism within the broad perspective of pondering upon human being, his/her dignity and the freedom. Pope’s encyclicals are the starting point of this conceptualization. Here the encyclical Veritatis splendor (the Splendor of Truth) by John Paul II released in 1993 deserves the special attention. Its basic thesis is : a man should base his collective life upon permanent, objective values; upon “the truth”. Modern Europe is the ethical individualism; subjectivism and relativism. It is characterized by the “crisis of the sense”. The Polish culture is expressed by the assumption of the existence of permanent values, which should be the foundation of human community. Europe needs Poland. According to John Paul II Polish patriotism is the “love” towards something that constitutes the essence of its culture, its message. And this means that it is for each of us a “special mother”. However, this message has a universal value.
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Content available Introductory Comments
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Introductory CommentsThe fifth yearly volume of the Colloquia Humanistica comprises a thematic section on Nation, Natsiya, Ethnie. The subject it discusses has thus far received little attention as a research problem in the Slavia Orthodoxa, the Slavia Romana, the Balkans but also in Central and Eastern Europe. Uwagi wstępnePiąty numer rocznika "Colloquia Humanistica" przedstawia dział tematyczny, poświęcony kategoriom narodu, nacji i etni. Temat ten, w takiej perspektywie, którą proponujemy, nie spotkał się dotąd z należytym namysłem badawczym w sferze Slavia Otrhodoxa, Slavia Romana i na Bałkanach, jak też w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej.
EN
The multi-ethnicity in Europe was shaped long time in the history, her image influenced the relations between countries and was often a source of international and internal conflicts. For this purpose, the international efforts have been made, which regulate the status of minorities in Europe and the world. Protective systems for national minorities were formed at different levels of policy; the global solutions of general and declarative nature, regional solutions, characterized by a greater degree of institutionalization, and national solutions with control mechanisms of functioning. These regulations, concerning minority policy in Europe, formulated in many international instruments, are declarative and facultative. Even within the European Union, there is generally no binding legal rights, which formulate protection of minorities. States are sovereign and the principle of the sovereignty determines the protection- policy of minorities living on their territories.
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Wieloetniczność w Europie kształtowana była przez kilka stuleci, zaś jej wizerunek rzutował na stosunki między poszczególnymi krajami, był źródłem międzynarodowych oraz wewnętrznych napięć i konfliktów. W tym celu na arenie międzynarodowej podjęte zostały starania, które mają na celu uregulowanie statusu mniejszości w Europie i na świecie. Systemy ochronne dla mniejszości narodowych ukształtowane zostały na różnych płaszczyznach politycznych, od rozwiązań globalnych mających charakter ogólnikowy i deklaratywny, po rozwiązania regionalne, charakteryzujące się większym stopniem instytucjonalizacji, i narodowe z funkcjonującymi mechanizmami kontroli. Wymienione uregulowania dotyczące polityki mniejszościowej w Europie, sformułowane w wielu międzynarodowych aktach prawnych, mają charakter fakultatywno‑deklaratywny i w tym sensie nie zobowiązują państw do ich przestrzegania. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej nie ma zasadniczo wiążących praw formułujących ochronę mniejszości narodowych. Państwa są suwerenne i to właśnie zasada suwerenności determinuje ich dobrą bądź złą wolę w zakresie ochrony mniejszości zamieszkujących ich terytorium.
EN
The formation of the idea of the nation in the Slovene lands – an outline of selected problemsThe paper summarises the most significant phases of formation of the Slovenian nation from the sixteenth century to the present. Special attention is paid to the analysis of historical sources and selected scientific studies. Kształtowanie się idei narodu na ziemiach słoweńskich – zarys wybranych problemów Artykuł podsumowuje najistotniejsze etapy kształtowania się narodu słoweńskiego począwszy od XVI wieku aż do czasów współczesnych. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono analizie źródeł historycznych i wybranych studiów naukowych.
EN
The dominant role of sovereign states in minotity policy in EuropeThe multi-ethnicity in Europe was shaped long time in the history, her image influenced the relations between countries and was often a source of international and internal conflicts. For this purpose, the international efforts have been made, which regulate the status of minorities in Europe and the world. Protective systems for national minorities were formed at different levels of policy; the global solutions of general and declarative nature, regional solutions, characterized by a greater degree of institutionalization, and national solutions with control mechanisms of functioning. These regulations, concerning minority policy in Europe, formulated in many international instruments, are declarative and facultative. Even within the European Union, there is generally no binding legal rights, which formulate protection of minorities. States are sovereign and the principle of the sovereignty determines the protection- policy of minorities living on their territories. Dominująca rola suwerennych państw w ramach europejskiej polityki mniejszościowejWieloetniczność w Europie kształtowana była przez kilka stuleci, zaś jej wizerunek rzutował na stosunki między poszczególnymi krajami, był źródłem międzynarodowych oraz wewnętrznych napięć i konfliktów. W tym celu na arenie międzynarodowej podjęte zostały starania, które mają na celu uregulowanie statusu mniejszości w Europie i na świecie. Systemy ochronne dla mniejszości narodowych ukształtowane zostały na różnych płaszczyznach politycznych, od rozwiązań globalnych mających charakter ogólnikowy i deklaratywny, po rozwiązania regionalne, charakteryzujące się większym stopniem instytucjonalizacji, i narodowe z funkcjonującymi mechanizmami kontroli.Wymienione uregulowania dotyczące polityki mniejszościowej w Europie, sformułowane w wielu międzynarodowych aktach prawnych, mają charakter fakultatywno‑deklaratywny i w tym sensie nie zobowiązują państw do ich przestrzegania. Nawet w ramach Unii Europejskiej nie ma zasadniczo wiążących praw formułujących ochronę mniejszości narodowych. Państwa są suwerenne i to właśnie zasada suwerenności determinuje ich dobrą bądź złą wolę w zakresie ochrony mniejszości zamieszkujących ich terytorium.
EN
Demographic aspects of self-determination of nation on the example of modern WalesDemographic problems and their consequences have been analyzed in many different ways, from different points of view. Their conditions and mutual relations have been taken into account as well, even though the interest in population problems in capitalist societies results from the fairly prosaic reasons. Dealing with them means increasing costs. Under certain conditions, however, non-economic benefits can, or at least should, become more important than economic losses. The case of Wales seems to confirm this thesis. The basis for a prosperous and strong nation is its proper demographic condition invaluable from the perspective of competing with other nation – in this case with English one. The purpose of this article is to present the demographic situation of Wales, identify the most important of its demographic problems, as well as the actions taken by the Welsh Government in this regard. Demograficzne aspekty samostanowienia narodu na przykładzie współczesnej WaliiProblemy demograficzne i ich konsekwencje analizowane były do tej pory na wiele różnych sposobów i przy uwzględnieniu różnych punktów widzenia. Badano ich wzajemne relacje i uwarunkowania, mimo iż zainteresowanie problemami demograficznymi w społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych wynikało i nadal wynika z dość prozaicznych powodów. Radzenie sobie z nimi wymaga bowiem ponoszenia coraz to większych kosztów. W określonych warunkach jednak pozaekonomiczne korzyści mogą, a przynajmniej powinny, stać się ważniejsze od gospodarczych strat. Przypadek tytułowej Walii zdaje się potwierdzać tą tezę. Podstawą dobrze prosperującego i silnego narodu jest jego odpowiednia kondycja demograficzna, bezcenna z perspektywy rywalizacji z innym narodem. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie sytuacji demograficznej Walii, zidentyfikowanie najważniejszych jej problemów demograficznych, a także wskazanie działań podejmowanych przez rząd walijski w tym zakresie.
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Beside an editorial note and the edition itself, the article includes a study focusing on three analytical levels. The first of them presents the Latin humanist tract textually, i.e. how it was determined by a formalized narrative mode (so-called ‘writing in excerpts’ derived from ancient authorities which were shared in the community of scholars). The second level investigates the argumentation developed in the text – in this concrete instance, a historical account of the origins of the Slavs and the Bohemian tribe from Transcarpathian region, along with its ideological background that is treated according to the recent concept of humanist ‘fight for honour’ by C. Hirschi. Finally, the author concentrates on the level of further texts which appeared thanks to interpretations of Matthias treatise and provoked – in close connection with the abovementioned formal and content-based levels – an outstanding and unique humanist polemic. It draws attention not only to performative techniques of invective, but also to period discourses of nation as well as strategies for institutionally defining the very possibility of writing that were linked to the categories of ‘order’ and symbolic capital (here with a discussion of academic titles).
EN
It’s not easy to discuss,and think about the pedagogy when the nation suffers during the military conflict and invasion, which was the case of Poland during the Second World War – during such dramatic times the priority is survival. However, many years after the war, it is worth pointingout the effort and the dedication of teachers/educators who stayed with their students until the end. They remained in schools, orphanages and other educational institutions where kids could need them. Based on documents, literature and the personal experiencesof the author, the paper “Survive and save your identity” describes in a detail the activity of the Female Scouts who were the part of the RGO, an Organisation For the Youth of Warsaw in the years 1939-1945. The article manifests the importance of pedagogical and moral principles during the nations fight for survival.
EN
Within the views of the National Rebirth of Poland, critical judgements and the questioning of the existing socio-political order have prevailed. The liberal democratic system has been rejected, to be replaced by a regime in which all social norms are in accordance with Christian values. Both the area of economic and social, as well as politi-cal, life are to be shaped according to principles stemming from Christianity and Catholi-cism. The NOP propounds the view that in the independent Polish state there should be no room for any forces seeking to destroy national sovereignty in terms of internal rela-tions, and the state in terms of external relations.
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Content available remote Amerykański nacjonalizm
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The phenomenon of American nationalism dates back to the pioneer times of the Pilgrims and Founding Fathers who established first social and political relations creating origins of a future developed country. Throughout the past centuries the term “nationalism” from an American perspective was tangled to various definitions and sometimes official politics of the state. American nationalism was first represented by faithful Protestant settlers who believed strongly in a God’s destined society. Based on that the first definition was coined by John Winthrop in his poem “City upon a hill” – idea of a land deprived of evil in all of its emanations, which is not distant and obeys the will of an Absolute. One of the Founding Fathers – Thomas Paine in his Common Sense developed Winthrop’s idea and presented Americans as people with unlimited abilities. American writers and first colonists believed in a Biblical promised land that offered them unlimited abilities of self-growth. This strength of a self consciousness paved a way to a scientific term of super-patriotism. Coined by Michael Parenti, this term encompasses both democratic ideas of Alexis de Tocqueville and vision of a self-made man, who is the organizer of American statehood. American nationalism is also a derivative of ideology of americacentrism with its roots in the 19th century concept of Manifest Destiny proclaiming a nation that is endowed with an eternal right to secure the world for democracy. This idea has been a long term debate in American political and social life as United States became more and more involved in international affairs since the beginning of 20th century. In sum, the idea of American nationalism is the result of American melting-pot of religious, cultural and specific historical circumstances that built this nation.
EN
Zamenhof was one of the few thinkers who noticed the impossibility of a just dispensation between ethnicities and religions in the Russian Empire. He aspired to present a social system where national actions could run in the most natural way and where no one has the right to rule on behalf of the nation. In Zamenhof ’s opinion multiculturalism composed of different ethnical groups inhabiting the same territory is a social phenomenon just as a class system. However, if class system relates to social antagonisms in the matter of possession, then ethnicity is the most important element of segmentation where neither ownership, class nor political criteria are distinctive as ethnicity is a natural and culturally established social bond. Zamenhof rejected all political Jewish programs of his age and created his own program called Hillelism (which was directed at Jews and which he later abandoned) which after modification was renamed as Humanitarianism. Precisely this proposition has many common characteristics with multiculturalism avant la letter.
EN
This article is an attempt to clarify the situation after the rise of Slovak State. Its politics, ideology and philosophy of nation. It is focused on philosophy of Š. Polakovič and M. Chladný-Hanoš from the perspective of dogmatism and pluralism in their thoughts. The paper analyse 'ideology of slovakian national socialism', which is faced with Christ's nationalism' and ' German national socialism'.
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Due to historical reasons, the process of acquiring national identity by the peasants began relatively late. This process, for various reasons, was based on three models of education: formal, informal and non-formal. Schools emerging in the Polish territories were usually associated with the activities of the partitioner, moreover, it often met with distrust of a village quite closed in this respect. The People’s Movement complemented this formal education with performative activities, such as celebrating national holidays, which would give illiterate peasants the opportunity to participate in the acquisition of national identity. Another important part of this process was spontaneous non-formal education, i.e., peasant activity expressed in the acquisition of reading skills, which became the basis for building a national identity. In my text I discuss the process of acquiring national identity by peasants on the example of three models of education: formal, informal and non-formal.
EN
The emergence of the notion “conservative revolution” in Polish scientific literature as well as in the public debate leads to a comparison with the conservative revolution in the Republic of Weimar. The representatives of this German intellectual movement in the inter-war period induced ideological climate, which favoured the rise of fascism. Therefore, an analysis of the ideas of the representatives of Polish conservatism may be helpful in seeking an answer to the question why and to what extent Polish rightwing “revolutionaries“ draw inspiration from the German conservative ideology. This also includes the question about the responsibility for the political state of Poland and of Europe.
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In this paper, I approach to the relationship between the art and the democracy via discussion of two histories of Yugoslav literatures. I propose and try to defend a thesis that both accounts of the history of Yugoslav literatures synchronize temporalities of the different national literatures, reducing thereby differences between them. Both histories substantialize Yugoslav literature as a remnant of the lost community. They argue that immediacy of that community had dissolved into the variety of nations, which led separate lives under the rule of empires. In the name of that mythical past, heterogeneous temporalities are synchronized to the single temporal flow. However, the similar substantializing operation and synchronization is present in the more recent concept of (post)-Yugoslav literature.
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