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1
Content available Sloboda médií
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EN
By talking about the media I mean printing (newspapers and magazines), radio, television and, in recent years, the internet (at least so-called web portals). This illustrative definition of the media also appears in many stories about the media themselves, as well as their ethics. However, this definition does not take into account the degree of complexity of the media, it does not say anything about the external and hidden mechanisms that connect the media to the social, economic and political environment, and ultimately does not point out what are the aims of media action that are essential to distinguishing the media from, what it is not, as well as for the ethical evaluation of media management. This article will therefore first describe the basic objectives of media action, then address their formal and informal structure, and also describe the basic requirements that media ethics should meet.
2
Content available Secularization and Liberty
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PL
 REASERCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is showing the idea of liberty as inherent in the process of secularization, from which it results; the author ap­peals to the anthropological thesis drawing its significance from the relational character of the human being as created by God and shows how the seculariza­tion destroys this idea of the human person. THE REASERCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: What happens when the liberty is understood as liberation and autonomy towards to God and finally causes result contradictory to the intended one? The author applies the hermeneutic and critical method, referring to the dif­ferent authors, for example to Henri de Lubac, Romano Guardini, J. Ratzinger, saint John Paul II. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article analysis the problem of the contradiction between liberty and liberation in Catholic thought. The main item in this argumentation is that the liberty should not be understood as liberation towards to God because of the destructive effects of the secularization process in the Catholic doctrine and Church.  REASERCH RESULTS: The liberty understood as an absolute and liberation breaking with the Creator degenerates finally into artifice devoid of rational fundament, in short, of real contents; it is like human epiphenomenon. The new humanism brings the negation and destruction of the human being recognizing his humanity and maturity by breaking with God. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Modernity is the source and the root of the secularization. The idea of liberty devoid of fundament in the human being and the person of God complicates seriously the human coexistence and social life, as admitted once Habermas.
EN
Apart from many legitimate concerns about ecology, the most important contemporary concern should be of anthropological nature and must address the human being as a person (Benedikt XVI). What is man? Are human beings free? What should human beings do? These Kantian questions also describe the main starting points of Karol Wojtyła’s philosophy in The Acting Person. With regard to the importance of the question (ecology of man) our challenge is divided into three parts. First, man is a person; second, his call is to liberty and last, responsible love is an emanation of personal dignity. In this manner the three important points in Wojtyła’s philosophy (person, liberty, love) are well characterized. The essence of man is his personal dignity as a source for the possibility of free (responsible) decisions – “the act”. The experience of morality is included in the experience of being a person. Wojtyła poses the question “how do I understand who I am throughout my acts?” Like Kant, the author emphasizes the importance of free will, conscientiousness as an obligation, which speaks to the conscious person. I determine myself through my own decision (person´s actions). For Wojtyła, participation in love is the basis of all human personal experiences. “Only persons participate in love”. Participation in the character of the other becomes – in the language of Wojtyła – “the choice of the other person in myself ”.
4
Content available Edmund Burke – ostatni syn Rewolucji Chwalebnej
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EN
The Author demonstrates that in his Reflections and Appeal Edmund Burke argued against the New Whigs’ interpretation of Glorious Revolution. Instead, he gave an Old Whig’ defence of it. Accordingly, the English had not created a new regime but, rather, they restored the old one previously distorted by the Stuarts. Thus, the Revolution was carried out exclusively to preserve the old laws and liberties of Ancient Constitution. In fact, Burke rejected the idea of abstract, metaphysical freedom and defended the notion of freedom deeply rooted in the national heritage including the institutions of Ancient Constitution and the common law tradition. The Author points out that, for Burke, the national institutions, customs, values and liberties were a result of centuries’ long political experiences and social practices. Therefore, Burke used his argument to defend the Ancient liberties of the English as understood by the Old Whigs and to demolish the rationalistic speculations on freedom as practiced by the New Whigs. All in all, the Author claims that defending the Glorious Revolution in this way Burke proved himself to be the last Old Whig.
EN
The above article illustrates the argument between Herbert Lionel Adolphus Hart and the issue of liberty as it was depicted by John Rawls. Rawls in his Theory of Justice claims that justice requires that every person enjoys the greatest possible liberty which is possible to reconcile with the liberty of other people. Following such a principle it may be assumed that liberty can only be limited in the name of the liberty of others. H.L.A. Hart does not share such a standpoint. He points out that liberty can be limited not only because of itself, but also due to some social and economic progress. Moreover Hart claims that the idea of liberty presented by Rawls differs from his point of view concerning the possible limitation of the law of property. In fact Rawls admitted that his deliberations in his subsequent work, namely The Political Liberalism, arise from the critical view of Hart presented in his work Rawls on Liberty and its Priority.
EN
The right to freedom is one of the fundamental human rights. However, the said right to freedom, guaranteed by national and international laws, is subject to specific restrictions. One of the forms of restriction of human freedom is detention of a person suspected of having committed an offense applied in the law on petty offenses as a means of coercion. The legislator emphasizes that the application of this measure calls for compliance with basic principles — necessity and minimization, and the conditions for its use must be strictly fulfilled without the possibility to use the broad interpretation in this case.
EN
Today’s modern political democratic systems emphasize religious neutrality. However, following famous Huntington’s thesis, today’s major conflicts have cultural - usually religious - roots, and therefore it is worth considering the mutual influences between religion and democracy. Recent cases of direct democracy relevant to a discussion on the subject - for example the Swiss and Turkish referenda (2009 and 2010 respectively) - provide a good starting point for a (more) general reflection. A few positive historical examples of religious liberty can also contribute to a better understanding of the foundations of tolerance and modern liberalism. In this paper, I consider the Polish nobles’ democracy as an example of religious tolerance in theory and practice that functioned in the time of violent and brutal religious wars in Western Europe. This case is interesting in many aspects, as it also constitutes an example of one of the first democracies in which religious freedom and freedom of expression were key elements. In the early modern period, the Republic of Poland was a bulwark of Christianity. Due to the uniqueness of this early democratic system, it provided a model for political freedom and individual involvement in politics, and for a form of government that embodied a law -abiding and tolerant country where the communities coexisting within the system created a culture of understanding. The 16th -century image of the country was gradually distorted over the next two hundred years. This was caused by the necessity to fight against tyranny and resist Swedish, Turkish and Russian invasions. Nobles ideology can be considered one of the foundations - next to the Magna Carta and the heritage of the Enlightenment - of modern European democracy and constitutionalism. Of course, there were also negative aspects of the system like the well -established model of liberum veto and the noble state’s egotism. We propose taking a new look, from the perspective of modern democracy, at the relationship between religious and political institutions.
8
Content available Etyka – zagrożenie wolności nauki?
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EN
Paper has three parts. Te first part gives the reasons for need of liberty external-social of science guaranteed by law. Speaks about it Declaration of human rights in 1948 and social teaching of Church – including documents of Vaticanum II and Jean Paul II, which indicate of subjectivity and dignity of man as person. The second part of this paper based on personalism demonstrates that science can harmoniously develop only in the climate of internal-moral freedom of scientist. The purpose of science is revelation of truth, but effects of scientific investigations – in particular of biological-medical sciences – influence on the life of human individuals and societies. Conscious and free activity of man has ethical character, therefore liberty of science ought to be responsible liberty and then to be subordinated the ethical criterions. Science cannot ignore values and rules moral. The third part of paper stated that good of human person and common good of society demand juridical limitations of scientific inquiries’ liberty. Liberty is man’s right but also its obligation to respect of human person’s fundamental rights – including right to life, integrality and dignity. Therefore internal-ethical and external-juridical limitations are necessary of scientist’s liberty.
9
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In this article the author deals with Hegel ́s statism, his philosophy of right and state. He analyses primarily Hegel ́s work Elements of the Philosophy of Right. Based on historical argumentation, he refutes the proposition of the connection of Hegel ́s philosophy of right and the ideology of the Prussian state. The author analyses Hegel ́s theory of abstract right, morality, and the importance of the role of family in society. He points to the influence of English political economics, which is especially evident in Hegel ́s perception of civil society.
10
Content available remote Hume o nutnosti, svobodě a odpovědnosti
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EN
The paper presents a reconstruction of Hume’s complex argument that takes determinism as a prerequisite for moral evaluation of actions and for the attribution of moral and criminal responsibility for an act. The paper falls into three sections. The first outlines Hume’s “doctrine of necessity”, i. e., his deterministic theory of action, and shows how determinism can be reconciled with the possibility of free action. The second section focuses on Hume’s view of moral judgement and explains how determinism and the denial of free will can be reconciled with the notion of moral responsibility for an act. The last section, devoted to Hume’s ideas about just punishment, canvasses Hume’s hybrid conception of the different purposes of punishment.
Human Affairs
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2012
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tom 22
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nr 2
142-160
EN
In the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.
PL
Pojęcie wolności należy do kluczowych pojęć społecznych i etyczno-moralnych w rosyjskiej lingwokulturze. Jego dychotomiczna struktura przejawia się w dwóch podstawowych realizacjach: воля i свобода. Zasadniczą kwestią dla zrozumienia jego funkcjonowania w warunkach totalitarnych jest uwzględnienie realnego stosunku nadawców do kwestii wolności oraz analiza retorycznego wykorzystania tego konceptu w tekstach propagandowych i dokumentalnych. Przeanalizowany materiał pozwala stwierdzić, że tradycyjna dla rosyjskiej lingwokultury dychotomia свобода – воля uległa w ramach badanego dyskursu znaczącej reinterpretacji, która polegała w pierwszej kolejności na wyeliminowaniu drugiego z jej elementów jako konotującego brak ograniczeń i jednocześnie nacechowanego pozytywnie, a zatem, z punktu widzenia propagandy systemu, potencjalnie szkodliwego oraz aktualizacji trzech kategorii odpowiadających trzem zasadniczym zbiorowościom, o których mowa w dyskursie. Pierwszą z nich jest kategoria MY (SWOI), której odpowiada настоящая свобода, drugą – kategoria ONI (OBCY, wróg zewnętrzny, мнимая свобода), trzecią – ONI (OBCY, wróg wewnętrzny, произвол).
EN
The term of freedom belongs to crucial social, ethical and moral issues in the Russian languaculture. Its dichotomous structure is reflected in two basic embodiments: воля and свобода. An issue crucial for understanding its functioning in conditions of totalitarianism is taking into account the actual perception of freedom by senders, and an analysis of the rhetorical use of this concept in propaganda and documentary texts. On a basis of the analysed material it can be said that the dichotomy of свобода — воля, traditional for the Russian languaculture, underwent significant reinterpretation under the analysed discourse, first by elimination of its second components as implying a lack of restrictions, while having a positive meaning, and thus being potentially harmful from the system propaganda point of view, and then by updating the three categories corresponding to three basic groups mentioned in the discourse. US (FRIENDS ) is the first of these categories, to which настоящая свобода corresponds, THEM (STRANGERS , an external enemy мнимая свобода) form the second of these categories, while the third one describes THEM (STRANGERS ,an internal enemy, произвол).
13
Content available Francis Bacon and limiting the liberty to learn
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EN
Francis Bacon virtually limits liberty to scientific activity, to the right to choose from the largest possible number of alternatives. This makes science morę creative. Bacon suggests that going beyond the limits of liberty may expose us to danger from the world of politics. This is why Bacon recommends conformism in social life despite the revolutionary naturę of his discoveries.
14
Content available Liberty in liberal thought – past and present
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EN
The article presents history of liberty in the past and contemporary liberal thought. This article grounds that creators of liberalism passed by a long way to define precisely the phenomenon of liberty. When creators were closer to the present day, they tried to separate liberty from metaphysics and morality with reference to the ideals of democracy. However, they confused the cult of equality with the liberty to show that the truth always must be at liberty’s service. But the liberty should be understood like a competence to realize person’s rights. Not till then, liberalism will conceal the historic and present–time demons.
EN
What has conservative liberalism in common with modern (socialist) liberalism? The former is generally considered right wing, whereas the latter – clearly left wing. In order to provide an answer to the question, not only must one specify the meaning of “liberalism”, but also cast some light upon the ever blurry distinction between right and left. The question is answered, first, by laying down two concepts of freedom underlying the two different traditions of liberalism. One of these is the intuitive concept adopted by both classical liberalism and modern social liberalism. The other, first clearly formulated by Immanuel Kant, combines freedom of the individual with law, and hence with equality and reciprocity. A visualisation metaphor is offered to aid imagination in conceiving of the difference. The concepts are somewhat developed and comparisons are drawn between them. Secondly, a set of criteria are offered facilitating the allotment of political positions along the political spectre, thus bringing clarity to the rather obscure everyday concepts of political left and right.
EN
Andrius Volanas was a sixteenth-century Lithuanian Calvinist leader. He was known not only for his political activities, but also gained notoriety as the author of De libertate politica sive civili (1572), in which he studies the main social and political problems of Lithuania. In this book we can find political and social ideas that were modern not only for Lithuania of that time, but also for Europe, where different protestant theologians were trying to define the new social and political frames of social and political life, and in so doing were trying to find the keys to political modernization. They sought inspiration not only among their contemporaries, but also in ancient Hellenistic philosophy. The Roman philosopher Cicero was one of their most popular sources of inspiration. Andrius Volanas and others had used Cicero's ideas to look for new vectors in political and social life.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy zagadnienia wolności indywidualnej i problemu zagrożeń, jakie może pociągać za sobą hołdowanie niektórym jej odmianom. Klasycznie pojmowana wolność, zwana negatywną, utożsamiana z brakiem zewnętrznego przymusu, może stać w opozycji do tak zwanej wolności pozytywnej. To ostatnie pojęcie definiowane jest na ogół poprzez możność, co przywodzi na myśl jego związek z pojęciem władzy. Punktem wyjścia rozważań stała się analiza wybranych aspektów obu wolności. Rozróżnienie tych dwóch fenomenów jest istotne dla zrozumienia niektórych procesów zachodzących we współczesnej wspólnocie politycznej. Konsekwentne odwoływanie się do paradygmatu tzw. wolności pozytywnej może bowiem przynosić trudne do przewidzenia konsekwencje w postaci uzasadnianej ideologicznie ingerencji w wiele sfer ludzkiego działania. Za szczególnie brzemienne w skutki należy uważać konotacje tzw. wolności pozytywnej i równości. W istocie bowiem wolność pozytywna, a szczególnie jej postulat szerzenia równości, staje się pretekstem dla zwiększania zakresu politycznego panowania. Może to wyrażać się w dążności do urzeczywistniania aspiracji jednych grup społecznych kosztem innych. Takie podejście siłą rzeczy stoi w opozycji do poglądów upatrujących fundamentów społecznego porządku w prymacie wolności negatywnej i obowiązywaniu zasad sprawiedliwości. Wspomniana ingerencja instytucji państwa w ludzkie działanie, będąca skutkiem propagowania niektórych aspektów koncepcji „wolności do” może grozić redukcją podmiotowości moralnej osób.
EN
The paper refers to some problems regarding individual freedom, especially so called positive freedom (“liberty to”). Standard canon of the freedom (“liberty from”) emphasizes its negative nature, generally by the lack of interference of other people. Unlike this, positive freedom is usually defined by the possession of the ability or power. Our examination focuses on the relation between “liberty to” and moral subjectivity of the person. We describe moral subjectivity as an actually possessed ability to moral action. The main problem is that, if in political activity “liberty to” is joined with equality, it may lead to deep influence of political powers on human life. Ideologically determined demand of equality in positive freedom becomes justification for social redistribution of individual property. The State can bring the postulate of equality in “liberty to” by restricting human ownership and the freedom of choice. This may deprive people of their moral responsibility, but without it human beings lose their moral subjectivity.
EN
The age of intellectual debates in France between the Revolution in 1789 and the Dreyfus Affair at the turn of the centuries is one of the key sources that enable the understanding of the modern political culture. It concerns, in particular, the modern concept of liberty that became one of the defining values shaping the European political discourse. Thus, the post-revolutionary France remains an extremely valuable source of inspiration when revisiting the essence of many contemporary debates in political philosophy and public discourse. Most of the ideas and arguments in circulation today echo the debates over the liberty, reason, and society that dominated the intellectual climate of that period in the French political history or, at least, heavily depend on the foundational ideas formulated then and there. Thus, they are worth reconsidering.
EN
The article concerns philosophical concepts created by the Czech prose writer Ladislav Klíma. This author is nowadays counted among the most interesting Czech philosophers of the 20th century. His concepts inspired creators such as Hrabal or the Czech surrealists. The article’s author presents an outline of more important Klíma’s philosophical concepts, which allow to combine the theme of man’s deification with the divine aspect of power. In the article, a vision of the world and man created by Klíma is presented, which points out a Gnostic character of his philosophical theories. The presentation regarding a definition of freedom, which in Klíma’s depiction is the basis for achieving the divine state, is of an equal importance.
EN
The article is devoted to the issue of protection of the witness’s personal liberty in the context of conditionings, that influence the shape and the scope of its protection in criminal proceedings. The author takes into consideration procedural status of witness and fact that personal liberty, as the fundamental human right of the contemporary man, should not be the subject of unjustified and excessive infringement, to solve this complex problem. The article concerns both social and legal conditionings that determine the way of defining the personal liberty concept and the scope of observance personal liberty in criminal proceedings. A part of the article focuses on the presentation of conditionings that arise from constitutional and conventional standard and from characteristics, goal and structure of criminal proceedings. The author also verifies standards mentioned above in the context of legal regulations related to the infringements of personal liberty such as detention and enforced appearance and arrest. As a result, author notes practical shortcomings of the regulations in question and outlines also recommended solutions.
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