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EN
Relying on a large quantitative data set from the United Nations General Assembly voting records in the years 1992 to 2015, this study analyses developments in the foreign policy preferences of Ukraine and the other members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). It finds that the general level of disagreement between the CIS members as a whole has increased significantly, and that Ukraine is a major outlier and thus contributor to this development. The voting distance between Ukraine and Russia is now quite pronounced and seems to be increasing. This process was initiated with the 2004 Orange Revolution and it has since accelerated.
EN
The problem of the Ukrainian political system has become one of the axes of conflict in Donbas. To undermine the sovereignty of its neighbour, the Russian Federation is using concepts of federalisation, autonomisation or decentralisation of Ukraine, depending on the circumstances. Meanwhile, local government reform is among the top priorities of the government in Kyiv. The transfer of prerogatives to the local and regional levels at the time of military conflict may weaken the state’s mobilisation capacities. The special status of a part of Donbas envisaged in the Minsk agreement as an element of decentralisation reform is synonymous with autonomy. Hence its acceptance will in fact mean Ukraine’s acquiescence to the presence of a propagator of separatism on its own territory.
XX
The process of nation-building started shortly after communism collapsed, but the democratic changes called the “Revolution of Dignity” in Maidan 2013 made it more intensive. The need for real independence and the prospect of connecting with the European Community raised awareness of new identity. A dynamic nation-building process has influenced Ukrainian society to integrate with common values and pivotal political ideas. The study assumed that: a) the democratic revolution, which began in 2013 on Maidan, was a result of the growth of political consciousness and national identity; b) political changes were accompanied by an intensification of the process of nation-building; and c) despite significant social mobilisation, there are some obstacles that impede the formation of a civic nation in Ukraine. They are results of the domestic factors (the weakness of institutions and civic organisations) and external elements (the war with Russia). It is clear that Euromaidan raised the issue of national political unity, despite the ethnic, linguistic and religious bases. A high level of inclusiveness and tolerance towards “others” ensures continuing integration of minorities into Ukrainian society. However, the key problems hindering national development remain unsolved.
EN
he article presents research trends in the stock market of Ukraine, identified the need to strengthen anti-corruption and, consequently, developed a number of proposals aimed at easing the manifestation of a conflict of interest of market participants
PL
W niniejszej pracy zbadano trendy na ukraińskim rynku funduszy inwestycyjnych, wskazując na potrzebę wzmocnienia walki z korupcją. Zaproponowano szereg rozwiązań mających na celu ograniczenie przejawów konfliktu interesów uczestników rynku.
EN
This paper studies the link between innovative development, institutional arrangements and economic performance in Ukraine. The research investigates whether, and to what extent, institutional arrangements in Ukraine influence its innovation-driven economic development, and how this impact can be measured for the whole economy and for a specific sector (IT). The research aims to discover how the pillars of the National Innovation System (NIS) and their interactions in the dynamic perspective influence the innovative development of Ukraine in general, and of the IT sector in particular. Mixed method research is applied in the paper. Empirical research is employed to test the causative effect of the pillars of Ukraine’s NIS on innovative development and to model the relationship between the explanatory and response variables. Qualitative research is then presented, in the form of responses to in-depth interviews with the personnel of IT companies, to support or contradict the results of empirical research.
EN
The aim of the article is to answer the following questions: did Russia violate international law by executing an armed intervention in Crimea and what are the legal consequences of the Crimean crisis? The author claims that Russia committed aggression against Ukraine, thus violating a peremptory norm of international law. As a consequence, not only Russia is legally responsible for the commission of an internationally wrongful act but also third states and international organisations obliged to bring to an end serious breaches of international law. As well, these latter two are obliged to not recognise the unlawful annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol by Russia. The author analyses legal justifications of the Russian actions, such as defence of nationals, intervention by invitation, humanitarian intervention and the right to exercise self-determination. The author claims that the legal arguments presented by Russia are not convincing, taking into account the circumstances of the crisis.
EN
The author analyses the Ukrainian–Russian conflict, as yet unresolved. It takes into account two extreme scenarios. The first is a Russian invasion, which would start a new Cold War. Given the huge disparities between the economic potential of Russia and the West (disparities greater than in the first period of the Cold War), there is a high probability a new Cold War would lead to the defeat of Moscow within a decade. The second scenario is one in which economic reforms in Ukraine are successful in obtaining the country’s full independence from Russia. Such a development could have a serious impact on Russian society, which may start to be attracted to the Western model and disappointed with the current illusion of nationalist “mobilisation”. The author believes that Putin should not be regarded as a political strategist. His vision of “reconstruction” is something like that used during the times of the Soviet Union and seems not to have a deeper foundation than a superficial propaganda base. Putin is a politician running ad hoc policy, largely through organised provocations by security services, not only in Crimea and eastern Ukraine but also more widely, such as on the internet. The main conclusion of the article is that the recent politics practiced by Moscow are a selfensnaring trap.
EN
The article focuses on the problem of the declaration of war, which has gained a new dimension as a result of the conflict in east Ukraine. Recent events need to be taken into consideration in order to comprehend the complexity of the issue, and the analysis conducted enables researchers to gain a better insight into many elements of the process.
EN
The article presents the common causes (external and internal factors) for reforming the national higher education, which actively began after the proclamation of the independence of Ukraine. Strategies of state policy in the sphere of education are presented. They are aimed at overcoming the crisis of the previous socialist education system, ensuring the state's needs for highly qualified specialists and scientific research, promoting development of the society through the establishing a competitive human capital. Ways and the complexity of formation and development of the national high school during the last decade of the XX–XXI centuries of the first decade are researched. Promising development vectors in the context of European integration, socially-oriented market economy and student centered learning are highlighted.
EN
What are the immediate implications of the turmoil in Ukraine for the post-Soviet region? With a brief look at the Russian–Ukrainian, multi-layered conflict, the article assess its impact on both states. In the second part, the analysis focuses on the security, political and economic repercussions of the conflict in Ukraine for the post-Soviet states. It also looks at the situation in other areas, those with “frozen conflicts,” and unveils Russia’s strategies to destabilise its neighbours and anticipates the economic consequences for the post-Soviet world of the turbulence in Ukraine and Russia’s economic decline.
11
Content available remote О Национальной Идентификации Чехова
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EN
In the article the suppositions about the Ukrainian origin of Anton Chekhov which occurred in the Ukrainian mass medias are refuted on the basis of his personal correspondence. In article’s author’s judgment a problem of national self-identification of Chekhov is quite far-fetched, arising out of casual public servant slip of the tongue, and this problem got an invented meaningfulness from Chekhov surroundings. Author supposes that the world historical value of work of Chekhov does not can and must not depend on a political situation.
EN
In this article, I analyse reactions of writers belonging to the “Young Ukraine” to the Euromaidan. In the first part, I define the specific character of the “Young Ukraine”. In the next part, I present the volume Nebesna Sotnya/ Heaven’s Hundred Heroes as a form of resistance against the authorities. In the third part, I focus on the writings of Andriy Lyubka in the context of the pro-EU revolution. Finally, I describe the literary reaction to the end of the Euromaidan (focussing mainly on the writings of Lyubka).
EN
The national economy is closely related to the demographic structure of the society. Therefore, in the face of demographic changes, it is necessary to assess the influence of these changes on economic growth. This article presents an estimation of the impact that the future changes in the demographic structure will have on the economic growth of Ukraine, represented by the rate of changes in GDP per capita. The decomposition of GDP per capita and making the components of this decomposition dependent on the demographic structure allowed an empirical analysis, which used a variety of econometric and statistical techniques and was based on a population forecast prepared by the Ptoukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. As a result, it was determined that the impact of the changes in the demographic structure on Ukraine's long-term economic growth will be highly diverse over the studied period (until 2060). However, considering the entire period of the analysis, the negative effects of the changes in the demographic structure on the economy will be counterbalanced by the positive effects of these changes.
EN
The EU’s foreign policy response(s) to the unfolding Ukraine crisis has further illustrated its difficulty in making effective foreign policy decisions. Using a neoclassical realist analytical framework, this paper argues that although the EU did have tangible collective interests in pursuing its Ukraine foreign policy, it was unable to adequately filter these through its domestic setting. Three key constraints to the EU’s Ukrainian foreign policy> were identified: decision-makers ’ miscalculations; rigid normative demands; and a reliance on consensus politics. Ultimately, the Ukraine crisis illustrated that the EU, in current incarnation, cannot translate interests into effective foreign policies, even when making policy for their direct neighbourhood.
EN
This paper aims to highlight some issues, challenges and trends caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in the drug scene and the system of drug prevention in Ukraine. This article is based on the official statistics, available qualitative and quantitative studies conducted by the Institute for Psychiatry, Forensic Psychiatric Examination and Drug Monitoring of the Ministry of Health of Ukraine (Ukrainian National Focal Point), the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) and Ukrainian researchers. Of course, some studies are not representative of the general population; however, they give some information on the drug scene in Ukraine during the pandemic. The data used in the article were collected mainly in 2019–2020. Every actor on the drug scene had to adapt to the new reality caused by anti-pandemic measures. Drug sellers proposed “stable work” during lockdown; drug dealers dropped ordered substances closer to the customer’s place. At the same time, OST facilities implemented home-treatment, and many private facilities appeared. OST patients misused methadone and sold it on the illicit market, while drug users started to find substitutes of their main drug and notably increased drug-related deaths.
EN
The article presents an anthropological defense's practical dimension on cultural activities observed during the Russian-Ukrainian war. The paper's primary hypothesis is to deliver anthropological defense strategic objectives from a country's perspective at war. The adopted view refers to hybrid warfare and hybrid threats. The goals are as follows: 1) documentation objective, 2) therapeutic objective, 3) ideological objective, 4) diplomatic objective. A structured, consistent defense line allows creating a shared narrative by dividing society as the Ukrainian one. All actions in terms of anthropological defense refer to the values shared by the majority of citizens. Nevertheless, anthropological defense tools' choice and use must be strategically conditioned, i.e., other benefits for cinematography, theater, and fine arts. For an action to be practical cooperation between self-governing assemblages (such as volunteers, artists, art curators) and state actors must be established. The cooperation ctivities undertaken are complementary and complementary and can, therefore, be remarkably efficient.
EN
In view of the twenty-fifth anniversary of Ukraine's independence, assessing the state-building processes, including the assertion of the state as a subject of international relations, attention is drawn to Ukraine's relations with Poland, the efforts of wich have substantially increased the advances of our state. The attention is focused on the development of strategic partnership relations between Ukraine and Poland as well as their progress over almost twenty years. The article was drawn on a novel theoretical and methodological basis using appropriate conceptual and categorical tools. The interdisciplinary nature of the study is well agreed with the integration processes in modern Ukrainian humanities. The author highlighted the conceptual basis of Ukrainian-Polish relations; the conditions of their genesis to the level of strategic partnership were determined. Asserting the fact that relationships of the parties are being conditioned by the presidential factor, given the changes in both states presidential power, particular stages in Ukrainian-Polish relations have been defined and characterized. An attempt was made to reveal the specificity of interstate relations during the presidency of L. Kuchma - A. Kwasniewski, Y. Yushchenko - l. Kaczynski, V. Yanukovych - B. Komorowski and to attribute each of them a balanced assessment, and to forecast the content and direction of cooperation between the two countries for the period of P. Poroshenko - A. Duda's presidency. The findings are inclusive of the comparative analysis of Ukrainian and Polish approaches to the development of relations of strategic partnership between the two countries.
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