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EN
As peculiar figures of social-realist panegyrics, Stalin and other leaders of communist parties set up a new literary genre, namely the soc-panegyric. Out of the ten mechanisms that through centuries praised kings or princes being topos of affected modesty, worldwide range of feelings, solar symbolism of power, praising and surpassing, theology of history as the power lifting the ruler, black-and-white picture of history, elevation even at the cost of contradictions, arbitrary selection of facts, 'fact-making' power of interpretation of events, and denial of exaggeration as its authentication, only the latter was not used by soc-panegyrists. It can most probably be explained with the fact that unsurpassed intensity of Stalinist terror blocked this mechanism which made way to most considerable threat to deconventionalization of the panegyric as well as the cult of which it was a part.
EN
The banquets-receptions held at the Kremlin from the mid-1930s to the beginning of the 1940s should be, in the opinion of the author, examined not as an 'unproductive form of spending time' but as events of great significance not only for the reinforcement of Stalin's personal power, but also for the consolidation of the representatives of the Soviet political, military, economic and intellectual elites around their leader.
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EN
The study analyses circumstances, conditions and progress of radical reappraisal of the Soviet Union's foreign policy at the end of 1933 and its connections with no-less dramatic change of the Communist International's (CI) policy two years later. Transformation of the Comintern's policy, which resulted in creation of people's fronts, is connected with J. Dimitrov. Dimitrov was rescued from a German prison by J. V. Stalin, who put him in charge of the Communist International and discussed all issues concerning changes of the Comintern's policy with him. These changes are documented in decrees issued by top CI's organs, which regard the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia between 1933 and 1935.
EN
The article deals with the celebration of the 70th birthday of J. V. Stalin in Czechoslovakia, which took place presented in December 1949. It shows the preparation for this event, the establishment and staffing of their main organizer. It describes the course and content of various celebrations planned actions and their ideological orientation. The paper analyses celebrations in the broader context of the contemporary phenomenon of – the formation the cult of personality in Czechoslovakia and also connects them with another contemporary celebratory action – Days of Czechoslovak-Soviet Friendship. It notes the time and organizational problems that were preparing mass events accompanied and examine the spread propaganda contained in this feast.
EN
The article deals with different aspects of the struggle between Joseph Stalin and Anatolii Lunacharskii about the choice of administration means in the cultural and ethnic policy in the years 1917-1929. The author shows this problem as a part the conflict between People’s Commissariat of Education, headed by Lunacharskii, and People’s Commissariat For Nationalities’ Question, headed by Stalin, against the background of the revolution, civil war, and the construction of the Soviet Union. Special attention has been paid to the problems emerging from the contrast between the Bolshevik image of the ideal future and the ethnic-cultural realities, inherited from the past.
EN
In the paper the author recalls his analyses of the character of the Soviet Union highest leadership, published in 1960. In the author’s opinion Lenin was a charismatic leader. In the period of the Stalin’s dictatorial regime the power was larger and larger bureaucratically institutionalized, with the decision-making centralized within his own secretariat. That bureaucratization was the reason why Stalin who did not possess the Lenin’s charisma was able to achieve the authority of the leader of world communism, albeit in fact he was an oriental despot rather than a revolutionary tribune. Nikita Khrushchev as a party leader ceased to be the main ideologist of party and was not a technical, administrative or economic expert. Therefore, the specialization of functions in the party leadership became something natural. After the overthrow of Khrushchev’s power the differentiation of these functions was considered standard, whereas charisma became a source of suspicions. Consequently, so-called apparatchiki attained the power. According to the author, the existence of “clusters of creativity” decides the vitality of political system. The lack of such clusters was the reason why in the Soviet system of leadership under Brezhnev there appeared symptoms of degeneration. The author thinks that today’s China may potentially be faced with the problems concerning the vitality of political system, which were characteristic of the Soviet Union.
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