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1
Content available remote SCHOOL RE-ENTRY UNDER SOCIALISM: SPONSORED MOBILITY OR A SECOND CHANCE ?
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This paper analyzes the participation of the vocational school graduates in further education in five former socialist countries between 1948 and 1989. The students in the vocational secondary schools were not acquiring complete secondary education equivalent to that offered in the academic and professional high schools. Previous analyses have shown that many apprentices re-entered the system of secondary education and had a chance to attain a secondary-school leaving examination. The principal question is in this text: who were the apprentices who re-entered school after completing their vocational training? Using event history analysis of a large survey data file (N=6010) the author shows that school re-entry played a dual role in educational stratification during socialism. It was a vehicle to educate the communist cadres and, at the same time, it served as a second chance for the members of the politically persecuted families.
EN
This article analyses trends in educational homogamy in Czech society from 1988 to 2000. Two hypotheses are tested: (1) that educational homogamy strengthened as a result of growing economic uncertainty during the 1990s, and (2) that educational homogamy is higher among younger newlyweds than among people who get married after 30 years of age. The authors analyse vital statistics data on all new marriages for the years 1988, 1991, 1993, 1997 and 2000. Using a log-linear analysis the first hypothesis was refuted, as no change in the tendency towards homogamous marriages was observed during the 1990s in the Czech Republic. Stronger support was found for the second hypothesis, as educational homogamy is indeed much higher among younger than older couples. Finally, the article includes a discussion of some possible explanations for the absence of a trend towards homogamy that was detected.
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Content available remote PERCEPTIONS ON INEQUALITY AND ON THE CAUSES OF POVERTY IN SLOVAKIA
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In this paper, popular perceptions on inequality and on the causes of poverty in Slovakia are analysed. The paper begins with the assumption that recognising popular perceptions will enable us to identify how socially marginalized people are represented in our society and what kinds of social policy measures are perceived as appropriate by the public. Our theoretical concept is based on a two dimensional typology with four basic types of poverty explanation: 1. individual blame or blaming-the-poor approach, 2. social blame or blaming-the-state approach, 3. individual fate and 4. social fate. In addition to an empirical analysis, an assessment is made as to whether perceptions are shaped by basic principles present in the judgment process (self-interest, i.e. the underdog principle, or enlightenment principle). The dynamics of changes in public opinion are examined through available comparative datasets (European Values Study 1991 and 1999, Society 2004). The results show that the individual socio-economic position has an effect on the preferred explanation of poverty causes. The higher the socio-economic position, the more stigmatising the opinion.
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The paper looks at how segregation mechanisms in the primary school system can aggravate social inequality. School segregation (teaching students with different social background in different schools or different classrooms) can emerge in many ways. It can be initiated by local authorities, but laissez-faire or universal voucher system is also likely to lead to segregation if parents are free to choose schools and schools are free to choose students. There are documented cases of segregation in the first way in Hungary, but the second way is even more important, as the Hungarian primary school system is close to a universal voucher model. Based on economic theory and international evidence, the paper argues that in a segregated environment, children from disadvantaged families are bound to receive education of a lower quality than they would in a more integrated environment. Besides peer effects, lower quality teaching in classrooms with more disadvantaged students is a necessary consequence if teachers are not compensated for the extra work - as they are not in Hungary. Hungarian data are scarce, but the available evidence suggests that primary schools have become more unequal since 1989, which has led to more unequal student outcomes. Correlation of family background and student outcomes is extremely strong in Hungary, by international comparison. Unequal primary schooling is probably an important factor in creating that correlation. Hungarian primary schools therefore play a significant role in increasing inherited inequality, which is clearly detrimental for efficiency and moral reasons.
EN
This article concentrates on critical responses to the so–called cultural turn in the conceptualization and research of social inequalities, in which we can, inter alia, discern a shift of interest from the problem of distribution to the problem of recognition. In this context, the dispute about the justice of distribution and recognition, led by Fraser and Honneth, is discussed. From the sociological point of view Fraser put forward an analogy of an unsuccessful Lenski's attempt at synthesis of consensualist and conflictualist accounts of social order, whereas Honneth's conception resonated with the consensualist account of order, characterized by explicit emphasis on norms and normative consensus. The author of this article suggests that the resolution of this dispute about justice (or inequality) may be indicated in Lockwood's conception of the incongruence of the status and class order, which is, as is argued, closer to Honneth's approach to the problem. Lockwood's conception is extended here and employed in the argument, in which the author demonstrates that behind the increasing number of the so–called 'inadaptable' individuals within the societies of the EuroAmerican cultural area, which is endangering the integration of society, we can trace the attempt of the majority to sustain its privileged position through narrowing the definition of performance applicable at the labour market. The authoress thus, following Honneth's argument, comes to the conclusion that the threat to the integrity of contemporary society is to be thought of in terms of recognition and regards the cultural turn in the research of social inequalities in this context as valuable.
EN
In the article, social inequality is examined as a certain aggregate of stratification orders which is constantly reproducing in any society. The conjunction of 'positions & dispositions' is dominant within research of stratification orders. It enables to explain the behavioral specifics of definitely operating individuals and associations as bearers of certain habitus (which is a combination of dispositions). Hence the stratification orders are the positions hierarchically organized on the basis of certain number of inequalities criteria determining the (higher or lower) place occupied by agents (individual, group, and stratum) in social stratification of society. Dispositions are the product of past experience, and they are present in social agents as schemes of perception, thought and action. The position of associations in a social structure is formed on the basis of all aggregate of stratification orders which methodologically and methodically are grounded by researcher within the framework of certain theoretical paradigm or approach.
EN
The paper looks at how segregation mechanisms in the primary school system can aggravate social inequality. School segregation (teaching students with different social background in different schools or different classrooms) can emerge in many ways. It can be initiated by local authorities, but laissez-faire or universal voucher system is also likely to lead to segregation if parents are free to choose schools and schools are free to choose students. There are documented cases of segregation in the first way in Hungary, but the second way is even more important, as the Hungarian primary school system is close to a universal voucher model. Based on economic theory and international evidence, the paper argues that in a segregated environment, children from disadvantaged families are bound to receive education of a lower quality than they would in a more integrated environment. Besides peer effects, lower-quality teaching in classrooms with more disadvantaged students is a necessary consequence if teachers are not compensated for the extra work - as they are not in Hungary. Hungarian data are scarce, but the available evidence suggests that primary schools have become more unequal since 1989, which has led to more unequal student outcomes. Correlation of family background and student outcomes is extremely strong in Hungary, by international comparison. Unequal primary schooling is probably an important factor in creating that correlation. Hungarian primary schools therefore play a significant role in increasing inherited inequality, which is clearly detrimental for efficiency and moral reasons.
EN
Social and economic results of the tax reform implemented by George W. Bush administration were analyzed. First, the authors described two stages of that process in 2001 and 2003. Then tables with tax rates cross taxpayers categories were presented. They showed also points and arguments of supporters and opponents of the reform. From the republican point of view main goal of the tax exemptions was strict economic i.e. acceleration of the growth and increase of the tax revenues in the longer run. Reform opponents and democratic experts maintained that it serves interests of the rich, decrease tax revenues with cuts in social spending and in effect social inequality grows up. They use official and other sources of data for their analysis.
9
Content available remote 'MARGIN INSENSITIVITY' AND THE ANALYSIS OF EDUCATIONAL INEQUALITY
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EN
A problem in educational attainment research is that measures of association, and not measures of inequality, have been used to observe inequality in the distribution of higher education between classes. While the statistical association between class and education in many countries has been relatively stable, measures of inequality applied to the same data show a marked reduction of inequality in the distribution of higher education over time. This is a result of reduced bias in the allocation mechanisms, most likely facilitated by the increasing provision of higher education. Decreasing inequality means that the conclusion in the literature that egalitarian educational reforms have been ineffective lacks empirical support. One reason why measures of inequality have been overlooked in most educational attainment research may be the firm but unfounded belief in the 'margin insensitivity' of loglinear measures. They are assumed to capture the association net of changes in the marginals of the class-by-education table, thus reflecting the 'true nature' of the allocation mechanism in recruitment to higher education. This notion can be shown to be a logically untenable deduction from the property of loglinear measures of being insensitive in relation to one specific kind of change in the marginals, to the claim that these measures are insensitive to marginal changes in general.
EN
The author examines the sources of the global financial crisis and proves that socio-economic cohesion policy may ameliorate the effects of this crisis in Poland. To meet the competitive challenges of global capitalism and the threats that have grown out of the crisis, the author recommends that prudent stabilisation policy, strategic aims in the development of human resources and the technological modernisation of the economy be harmonised and oriented in such a way as to most fully take advantage of EU structural funds, the inflation-free expansion of monetary policy, and the maintenance of Maastricht criteria. Such policy must be supported with microeconomic incentives supporting entrepreneurship, effective and high quality public service, the fair division of the costs of the crisis and the elimination of business practices not based on honest competition. To make up for the loss in global supply resulting from the reduction of non-productive government expenditures, it is recommended that government expenditures for stimulating demand for national production be simultaneously raised. To rebuild social capital, such a fiscal policy will demand fiscal reforms to be negotiated within the framework of a national campaign for combating the crisis and threats to integrated development.
EN
The author examines the sources of the global financial crisis and proves that socio-economic cohesion policy may ameliorate the effects of this crisis in Poland. To meet the competitive challenges of global capitalism and the threats that have grown out of the crisis, the author recommends that prudent stabilisation policy, strategic aims in the development of human resources and the technological modernisation of the economy be harmonised and oriented in such a way as to most fully take advantage of EU structural funds, the inflation-free expansion of monetary policy, and the maintenance of Maastricht criteria. Such policy must be supported with microeconomic incentives supporting entrepreneurship, effective and high quality public service, the fair division of the costs of the crisis and the elimination of business practices not based on honest competition. To make up for the loss in global supply resulting from the reduction of non-productive government expenditures, it is recommended that government expenditures for stimulating demand for national production be simultaneously raised. To rebuild social capital, such a fiscal policy will demand fiscal reforms to be negotiated within the framework of a national campaign for combating the crisis and threats to integrated development.
12
Content available remote THE TRUTH ABOUT CLASS INEQUALITY
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EN
A strongly recommended conclusion in sociology about trends in class inequality has been summarised by Goldthorpe as a high degree of 'temporal constancy and cross-national communality'. This conclusion, here called 'the stability thesis', was first challenged by Ringen in 1987 and again, on more methodological grounds, by Ringen and Hellevik in two papers published in 1997. These challenges resulted in a process of debate and reassessment. It is now possible to sum up and conclude. The stability thesis rests on empirical results from odds-ratio readings of mobility table data. The authority of this methodology is re-examined in terms of normative significance and statistical validity. Mobility table data which have generated stability thesis findings are reanalysed with the standard gini-index methodology in the study of inequality, then yielding different findings which contradict the stability thesis. The main conclusion is that the stability thesis can now be considered overturned.
EN
This article compares the determinants of political participation, from voting and signing petitions to boycotting, across 23 European countries, posing the question whether and to what degree social inequalities in political participation differ between post-communist and Western countries. The data for the analysis is from the second round of the ESS survey, conducted in 2004-2005. The analysis focuses on the role of education, occupation, and gender in shaping the chances of engaging in political action, while also controlling for a range of sociological, political, and demographic variables. Interaction effects between individual variables and a post-communist dummy variable are used to directly compare the statistical significance of the difference in coefficients between post-communist and Western countries. The article finds that the observed effects of the post-communist context are actually accounted for by the indirect effects of a number of individual-level variables. In particular, education, occupation, and gender have stronger effects in post-communist countries than Western countries on many forms of political participation; in other words, the post-communist countries exhibit somewhat larger inequalities in political participation than in the West.
EN
The article is an attempt to test empirically the inequality theorem, a major theorem in Peter M. Blau's theory of inter­group relations. The theorem states that social inequality is conducive to social integration in the sense that an increase in inequality creates associations between members of different strata, even fairly distant ones, more probable. Social integration is understood broadly here in terms of rates of inter­group relations. A specific definition of the concept was proposed in the framework of the models of relational inequality which are discussed in detail in the article. These models allow for precise definition of the level of social inequality and the extent to which a society is integrated. In the empirical test of the inequality theorem, data from 7 editions of the Polish General Social Survey were used. To assess fit of the model tested, linear regression through the origin was employed. High values of the coefficient of determination obtained by the model indicate its good fit which, in turn, suggests that the inequality theorem is an appropriate description of the relationship between inequality and integration, even though it is highly counterintuitive.
EN
The article is devoted to the research of theory and practice of neo-liberalism that was the answer to the delay of rates of economic growth in the capitalist world in the beginning of the 1970’s. The returning of the USA and other Western states to laissez faire has been caused by their failure to solve acute social and economic problems in their countries by means of Keynesian economies. Transition to neo-liberalism has caused the consolidation of neo-liberal market fundamentalism in the Western countries and the imposing of principles of laissez faire to the countries of “the third world” and with “transitive economy” which have been compelled to modify their economies according to the imperative requirements of “Washington consensus” and “post-Washington consensus”. World Bank, International Monetary Fund and World Trade Organization have been involved in introduction of these requirements which have led to the unprecedented expansion of gap between the rich and poor countries, and also between rich and poor both in the countries of the global South, and in the countries of the global North. The analysis of economic development in the modern world shows that these instructions, imposed to all world, especially to former colonial and socialist countries, not only have not led to the improvement of economic situation in the world, but also promoted the drawing of the majority of countries into the first global financial and economic crisis that testifies for a necessity to change the existing paradigm of social and economic development.
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