The author in this study attempts to capture the meaning of the institution of slavery in Plato’s work. By an analysis of individual passages that are of relevance in Plato’s work, especially from the Republic and the Laws, he reaches the conclusion that Plato employs multiple metaphors of slavery and that they are of fundamental importance for his political philosophy. Plato accepts the common of view of his time on the psychology of slaves, treating slavery as the worst quality of the soul. Inspite of this, in his descriptions of the best system he preserves slaves as a integral part of the community. In the Laws he summarises his reflections on the political order in key maxims: it is good to be a slave to that which is better than us and of greater reason. Plato thus also gives slavery positive connotations as a symbol of subordination in his view justified to the hegemony of the lovers of wisdom. In keeping with this (to us) alarming judgement, he proposes the employment of traditional Greek religion to reinforce the hegemony of the philosophical elite over the rest of society.
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The article is treating of a new interpretation of ancient geometry (part I) and is willing to explain several mathematical and historical conceptions that were presented in Pappus' Comment on the X'h Book of 'Elements' of Euclid (part 11). Euclid's Elements were a kind of 'intuitive model', quite different from the contemporary one. Elements were divested of the 'infinitespace' notion. Reconstruction of the hermeneutic horizon of the ancient mathematics lets us explain structure and mathematics presented in the columns ofthe Xth book of Elements. The following subjects were handled: 1. reasons for elimination of the Euclid's ' infinite space' notion and substitutin.s it for Plato's Diad in ancient times, 2. basing geometry and searches over the incommensurable magnitudes on one distinguished line together with mathematical consequences, 3. differences in the way of thinking of ancient and contemporary mathematician. Scientific studies let qualify from the historical point of view the share in development of the incommensurable magnitudes theories presented by Theaetetus of Athens, Apollonius of Perga, Euclid and Eudoxus. In the article there is also presented a reconstruction of the mathematical contents of the lost Apollonius' treatise on incommensu- able magnitudes. A traditionally established pattern of the development of geometry, according to which Euclidean geometry used to extend as theory basing on relatively unalterable outfit of the fundamental intuition as, for instance, Euclid's infinite space, continuum intuitions and metric intuitions (what important, the first revolutionary change was a discovery of non -Euclidean geometry in the XIXth century) -cannot be sustained.
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The Greek notion of beauty (to kalon) encompasses not only nature and artifice, but also the Good. This paper explains the connection by interpreting Plato in a way that allows his theory to be developed beyond the confines of his philosophy. It is argued that we could read his theory of beauty as based on fineness of appearance. This arises when a sensory particular transcends itself and suggests the presence of its sustaining Form, or when sophrosynē in human agency discloses the Good’s power to transform the sensible world. In both cases, there is a pleasure in how certain phenomena or agents manifest the influence of the Forms at the sensory level. Beauty centres on an Ideal relation. By critically revising Plato’s position and taking it beyond the context of exegetical debate, a generally viable explanation of the grounds of Ideal beauty is formulated. This clarifies how such beauty is based on both the fundamental conditions of knowledge, as such, and our existence as free beings. Ideal beauty is shown, also, to be an aesthetic concept with enduring importance.
According to Aristotle, rhetoric stands in the midst of reason and violence. In con-temporary coordinates, this means that there is a mode of action extraneous to reason, which is violence. Up to now, one could plea that the very exercise of reason was noth-ing but action, autotelic activity. Thus the opposition between action and thought was a fake one. Repatriating à la Oswald Ducrot all reason to practical reason allowed us to think on thought as acting. This was the answer to the impracticability of violence. However, action as a mere discourse conceived as auto/hetero transformational practice in itself will not help. We need to take back into consideration action as something ex-traneous to pure/practical reason, to discourse. But this is not violence of the old type. Both the old irenism of the workers’ movement and the armed counter-state as the spec-ular image of the state, supposed to wipe away the latter from the historical stage in the name of universal emancipation, are impracticable. Modern barbarity will soon get rid of the human species unless a new form of vio-lence is found able to compete with the state, without turning into a new form a state. This new form is authoritative, legitimate intimidation. But what are the conditions to speak out authoritatively? Are they not distinctive state conditions? Moreover, does authority lie in the form of discourse? If not, because consentment has superseded mere submission, which are the authoritative sources of discourse which, though neither overtly nor primarily conflicting with the state, nor with corporations, could somehow not completely coincide with the interests of it and even work against it, though like it? We would like to examine all those questions.
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René Girard, the theoretician of society and culture, would not be classified as a philosopher in the traditional sense by many philosophers concerned with Plato’s work. The aim of this study is to show that, inspite of this, Girard’s thought can be of interest to philosophers, and that, more particularly, it provides an opportunity to look at Plato’s thoughts in a new way (at least in the area of Plato’s social theory and his conception of the human soul). The article offers a fresh view of Plato’s thoughts about the phenomenon of mimesis, exploiting several elements of Girard’s mimetic theory. In the introduction, the author sketches the basic features of Girard’s mimetic theory and explains some of the psychosocial background of Plato’s conception of mimesis. Then, on the basis of an analysis of Plato’s Republic, it is shown that Plato may not only be characterised as an intellectual forerunner of Girard’s mimetic theory, but even as the founder of thinking about the problematic of psychological mimesis. The author’s main thesis is that the Republic may be interpreted, with the help of Girard’s ideas, as a ground-breaking study of the laws of psychological mimesis and of the effects which this mechanism has at the level of psychosocial structures. It is also shown that the Republic can be understood as a grand construction of anti-mimetic organisation in relation to the individual and to society.
Why was the legislature of the Beautiful City (Kallipolis) in Plato’s Republic created by Socrates and Plato’s two brothers before Socrates had introduced the subject of the Form of the Good, and, thus, without grasping the nature of the Good? This paper suggests that this is because the necessity of the Good becomes apparent only after the founding of Kallipolis. As such, Kallipolis is not the peak of Plato’s political visions, but rather presents a challenge for the philosopher, who must understand this dark political structure. Without knowledge of the Good, every Kallipolis becomes a dark cave inhabited by prisoners of orthodoxy.
In Platonicis scriptis expressae ad vocabuli dicendique rectitudinem pertinentes animadversiones hac in commentatiuncula tractantur. Quae pars philosophiae Platonis in principiis congruentem se praebet cum placitis nostrae aetatis: Secundum utramque sententiam destinata sunt verba rebus indicandis et docendis alius ab alio hominibus. Quidquid eorum ope enuntiatur, vertit semper ad eum, qui sermonem excipit, nec non ad rem verbis edictis subiectam.
W odcinku platońskiego dialogu "Fajdros" poświęconym krytyce pisma wypowiadana jest myśl przeciwstatwiająca prostoduszność słuchaczy dawnej wyroczni wybrednym upodobaniom młodych: Młodym nie wystarcza wysłuchać prawdy, oceniają też osobę mówiącego (275b5-c2). Przedstawione rozważanie zmierza do uzasadnienia obecności w kontekście dialogu tej uwagi, pozornie odchodzącej treścią od platońskiej krytyki pisma: Dostrzegana ironia wypowiedzi, skierowana zarówno przeciw młodym entuzjastom mowy pisanej, jak i przeciw łatwowiernym słuchaczom wieszczych przepowiedni, godzi w istocie w każdą formę słownego przekazu uniemożliwiającą wymianę myśli między jego uczestnikami. Zwraca się przeciw wszelkiemu wypowiedzeniu myśli - zapisanemu bądż nie - stającemu się dla odbiorców niekwestionowanym orzeczeniem wyroczni. Platońska tzw. krytyka pisma dotyczy również mowy nieutrwalonej graficznie, a ograniczającej aktywność odbiorcy.
Isocrates, a political commentator, writer and teacher, was usually praised for his style and erudition, but hardly considered to be an original author. This opinion, however, seems to be a little unjust; Isocrates was perfectly able to use his profound knowledge of the Greek tradition in order to support his views, not always in a way one might have expected. In the way Isocrates refers to the well-known motifs and personalities one may discover an original approach. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate this technique with reference to Solon’ ethics and the person of Socrates.
The undertaken considerations seek for revealing that in the thought of Plato there are few different approaches to the problem of truth. They start with the epistemological aspect which was inherited by Plato from Parmenides according to which truth is a constitutive element of human cognition and knowledge, an element that is conditioned by precisely determined indicators such as universality, necessity and invariability. The important contribution of Plato in explaining the problem of truth is where he underlines its meaning in the accomplishment of human being. The natural ability for knowing truth is the most crucial expression of humanity that is why more he draws on truth more he exists.
The Seven Sages (Seven Wise Men) of Plato and Plutarch may well be considered the first symbol of universal dialogue, if not the universal dialogue itself, which seems quite feasible. Not always remaining “seven,” these philosophers who lived in the VII–VI centuries B.C. teach us today the ethics, themes, and goals of the shared general dialogue. Though legendary to a high extent as to the time and locality, their discus-sions, mainly on philosophical issues, serve quite a realistic and useful example of how communicators, each of which comes from different “city-state,” can bring together people of multiple social and cultural traditions.
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In his monumental work Letters from Cracow, published since 1843, Józef Kremer, the first Polish academic aesthetician, propagated Hegelian aesthetics reinterpreted in Platonic and theistic terms. The work was the first consistent lecture on aesthetics in Polish. Like Hegel, Kremer supported academic art. He significantly influenced Lucjan Siemieński, the most eminent art critic of the age, who published his reviews in Cracow’s Czas magazine, as well as Henryk Struve, a philosopher and aesthetician of the younger generation, who in the 1870’s became the main authority on art and the evaluation of works of art, modern ones in particular.
The subject of the article is intuition and its role in philosophical cognition in Plato and Aristotle. The main problem concerns the rationality of intuitive knowledge. Plato is the heir of the Parmenidean doctrinal tradition of being and cognition. According to him, intuition is the immediate perceiving of ideas. This may be supernatural intuition or rational intuition. The first is perceiving ideas seen before birth, the second is recollection of knowledge or cognition of ideas in the mind. The aim of intuitive knowledge is the definition of the essence. Plotinus is the successor to Plato’s theory of supernatural intuition. Aristotle used intuition to formulate the first principles of science or to define the goals of activity. Each type is characterised by common features, such as directness, comprehensiveness of cognition and obviousness. There are differences between the types of intuition. First of all, they concern whether the object is natural or supernatural, its intersubjectivity, and the sources of intuitive cognition. In the case of intersubjectivity, Aristotle introduced a confirmation procedure concerning some of principles known intuitively. The idea of confirmation is forced by accusations against, for example, the principle of non–contradiction, which made Aristotle present a certain extra–intuitive way for it to be substantiated.
This article deals with the issue of ancient Greek models of life proposed by Aristotle, Epicurus and the Stoics. The author tries to describe how and which of these models were assimilated by Christian society during the first centuries and which were rejected. The purpose of this article is to show how important Aristotle’s, the Stoics and Epicurus’ philosophy was for Christians in the advancement of the Christian lifestyle among the Greek societies. Understanding the development of theology in the early Greek Church requires knowledge of the ideals and values that shaped the thinking and behavior of people before they heard about the Gospel of Jesus.
In the Statesman and the Symposium Plato proposes two different ways to reach the Truth. Upon comparing them so many similarities can be found that one may conclude that Plato is in fact presenting only one way, although he describes it in two different manners. It is only a teacher with his student or a beloved with a lover who can follow this way. The goal is the light of the highest Idea. I will present the ontological, semiotic and axiological aspects of my conclusions.
From the time of Isocrates, who first made fun of some philosophers, and Plato, who in his Gorgias despised the orators and denied rhetoric being an art, up to the end of antiquity there was a vehement fight between rhetoricians and philosophers as educators of young people. But for a long time in this dispute we only hear the voice of philosophy, since rhetoric whose utility seemed beyond doubt not thought it necessary to defend herself. Cicero was the first of all writers we know who justified rhetoric and blamed Socrates for having separated the arts of speaking and thinking. Also in imperial time rhetoricians had to apologize, for then we first hear about men who deserted from rhetoric to philosophy.
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Inde ab eo tempore, quo Isocrates rhetor philosophos quosdam, quod iuuentuti minus utiles essent, uituperauit, Plato contra in Gorgia oratores derisit, rhetoricam artem esse negauit, usque ad ultimam antiquitatis aetatem durauit certamen quoddam inter harum disciplinarum magistros. In qua aemulatione diu rhetores ut superiores uidemus a philosophis impugnatos esse, nempe quod de rhetoricae utilitate nemo dubitaret. Cicero autem primus eorum quos nouerimus respondit, qui in libris De oratore Socratem accusauit quod dicendi sentiendique artes segregauisset. Etiam Caesarea aetate, rhetores defendere sese cogebantur. Tum enim primum audimus de eis qui a rhetorica ad philosophiam transfugerint.
In this article, we examine, in the light of Arendt’s categories, the fundamental structure of traditional claims on moral life. In other words, we evaluate the spirit in which traditional morality relates to the human world, especially, to the human condi-tion of plurality. In this way, we shall be led to a perceptive reading of Arendt’s groundbreaking view on morality and its borderline possibility of assuming a paradoxi-cally significant role in the worldly affairs.
This article deals with the issue of ancient Greek models of life up to the time of Plato’s philosophy. The author presents in a brief way the ideals in the writing of Homer’s and Hesiod’s, in the Pericleus’ speech from the Peloponnesian war, the Spartans, Pythagoreans and Plato’s model of life and education. Next he tries to describe how and which of these models were assimilated by Christians in the first centuries and which were rejected. The purpose of this article is to show how important ancient Greek culture and philosophy was for Christians not to mention the Greek language in which the New Testament was written. Understanding the development of theology in the early Greek Church requires knowledge of ideals and values which were important for people before accepting the Jesus Gospel.
History of etymological thought shows two different concepts of etymology. The first one links one word with another, as well as a of group of sounds, with 'meanings' attributed to them in order to explain deep and covert sense of the word in question. This approach is typical of ancient philologists and philosophers such as Yāska and Plato. The second approach, so-called modern etymology, studies historical relation between language forms and senses, as well as historical derivational models in the wide sense of the term 'derivation'. Achronic etymologizing is to be strictly distinguished from diachronic etymology. This article addresses the questions of what modern linguistic method and conceptions in etymological researches could adopt from functional-explanatory etymologizing, and how modern scholarships should understand ancient 'etymologies'.
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