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EN
This paper develops a model to analyse economic performance under different political regimes. An 'oligarchic' society, where political power is in the hands of major producers, protects those producers' property rights, but also tends to erect significant entry barriers for new entrepreneurs. Democracy, where political power is more widely diffused, imposes redistributive taxes on producers, but tends to avoid entry barriers. While taxes in a democracy are high and distortions caused by entry barriers low, an oligarchic society achieves greater efficiency. But because comparative advantage in entrepreneurship shifts away from the incumbents, the inefficiency created by entry barriers in an oligarchy deteriorates over time. The typical pattern is one of rise and decline of oligarchic societies: an oligarchic society may first become richer, but will later fall behind a similar democratic society. The author also discusses how democracies may be better able to take advantage of new technologies, how intra-elite conflict in oligarchies may cause a transition to democracy, and how unequal income distribution may keep inefficient oligarchic institutions in place.
EN
The study examines the effect of the dynamics of the world economy on transformation of the Chinese party-state system. It points out that global recession will bring political changes, just as global expansion led indirectly to economic transformation. The study builds the concepts of transformation of the system and the pace of transformation on an earlier interactive model of the party-state. It examines statistically the temporal and spatial inequalities in the rate of transformation that appear at various levels of aggregation, showing that the changes have proved sensitive to changes in certain economic indices. It points to the predominance of certain types of dynamics in the period examined and changes in the dominance among the characteristic types. The study takes into account the effects of the world recession when projecting the dominance of a new type of transformation dynamic, and sketches the likely effects of the new dominant type on the conditions for political transformation.
EN
The author ponders over his long-lasting relations in economic research activities with Zdzislaw Sadowski on the occasion of the 80th birthday anniversary of the latter. In view of the quite different areas of their research he concentrates mainly on comparison of concrete tasks they had to fulfill and the condiions of their realisation. It is only recently that after certain changes in their research fields they entered the way of a direct cooperation, namely on the present state of Kalecki's economic theory, which in fact had been their theoretical background even when they had been previously working in the two different fields of the political economy, those of socialism and capitalism respectively.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2012
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tom 67
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nr 3
208 – 220
EN
In this second part of the paper (its 1st part was published in the previous issue), the rules which govern the rational use of Marx’s categories are applied to the three misinterpretations of Marx’s theory: those of Michael Hauser, Wei Xiaoping and Ľuboš Blaha.
EN
Generally, the article is dedicated to the crisis management on the part of the communist elites, as exemplified by the events of June 1976. The social genesis of the protest is sketched in the introduction: the hopes accompanying the Polish version of 'goulash socialism' and the gradual deterioration of the economic situation after 1973. The elections to the Sejm, which were held in early 1976, and where the turnout, according to the official data, amounted to 98.27% of those entitled to vote, are also recalled. It goes on to describe the behind the scenes preparation for the 'prices operation', its course and the scale of the price rises, and thus eventually arrives at the workers' protest. The final section is dedicated to the rulers' attempts to restore their prestige by arranging rallies in support of 'Comrade Gierek'.
EN
The paper is concerned with the life and works of French classical economist Jean-Baptiste Say. First section outlines the life of Jean-Baptiste Say. Second section analyzes his 'Treatise on Political Economy' (1803). Third section discusses Say's Law of Markets. Forth section deals with the Keynes' interpretation of Say. Fifth section highlights Say's actual legacy, especially his opinions on taxation and public debt.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2022
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tom 77
|
nr 4
251 – 267
EN
The offensive of neoliberal theory and practice has clearly weakened since the structural crisis of Western capitalism. Neoliberal dogma has nothing to offer a precarized society, science, education, politics and above all a mundane civilization threatened by environmental risks. This will be the task of an environmental policy that uses the insights of political economy and political ecology. Political economy can take a step beyond mere criticism. Beyond critique lies utopianism: a concept of transformation that overcomes the logic of critique, protest, alternative (revolutionary prognostic) thinking and hope, and brings about the cultivation of new dimensions of humanity’s economic self-reproduction. Here begins the genesis of a higher form of political economy and political philosophy – environmental political philosophy. The present study develops the central method of environmental political philosophy: the method of political-economic utopianism independent of the classical subject of economics and concentrated on the basic assumptions of the economic theory of politics, i.e. on the initial ontological postulates, on epistemological postulates, on social-scientific knowledge with emphasis on research on political theories, and on natural-scientific knowledge with emphasis on environmental issues (in the case of Anthropocene).
EN
The text is dedicated to the role of those people who had no formal entitlement to make decisions but, because of their professional achievements (mainly in science), enjoyed prestige in articulating the current or long-term policy of the party and the state authorities in the 1970s. The factors which increased the demand for the services of experts included the awareness of a scientific and technological revolution underway in the developed countries, resulting in support for consulting procedures, something which can be observed in the most important programmatic documents of the PUWP, as well as in the duplicated power structures of the party and the state. A yardstick which may be used to measure the impact of the expert bodies on the actions of state and party authorities is provided by the quantity and nature of the documents submitted to the deliberations of particular bodies of the party and the state. In the case of the state, the decision-making bodies were the Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the government; in the case of the party, it was the Politburo of the Central Committee of the PUWP. In general, it may be said that they were not the primary recipients of papers generated by the various types of experts. Such papers were put to use more at a lower level (e.g. that of particular ministries) or in the offices of their particular members (e.g. that of Edward Gierek). The most renowned case of experts being brought in to the decision making process by the centre of power was the appointment, in 1971, of an economic advisor to the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the PUPW, in the person of Mr. Zdzislaw Rurarz (formally, he was given a full-time position as an inspector at the CC); he was later to be replaced by Professor Pawel Bozyk. In May 1997, an entire team of scientific advisors to the 1st Secretary was appointed, chaired by Professor Bozyk. It may be said that the influence of the advisors to the 1st Secretary was scant; this resulted, to a large degree, from the concentration of the most of the decision-making power, as far as the economy was concerned, in the hands of Prime Minister, Piotr Jaroszewicz, and the deputy Prime Ministers who reported to him i.e., Mieczyslaw Jagielski and (in the years when the team of advisors was active), Tadeusz Pyka and Tadeusz Wrzaszczyk. The fact that the management of the economy was dominated by the government implied that the greatest influence was held by specialists from within its own structures, namely the lower rank clerks and the directors of the industrial groups and enterprises who acted en masse and drafted documents to meet the needs of their supervisors. Paradoxically, the activity of the team of advisors proved most significant for the further career of some of its members in the state and party structures.
EN
The article explores the political-economic mechanisms that lead to economic reforms even if the state is 'captured' with the rent-seeking interests, as was the case in Ukraine in 1990th. The authors argue that unless the social capital is strong enough to solve the coordination problems, the rent seeking can be sustainable for a long time only if the players are coordinated forcedly by an authoritarian arbiter. Such arrangement is mutually associated with peoples' passivity, and inability of comprehending the virtues of market coordination based on the private property rights. Until this public consciousness will change such way, that already emerged market institutions will start crowding out the rent-seeking ones, the deterioration of authoritarian control and coordination due to the technical and societal progress remains the main long-term factor of reforms. Although such deterioration does not cease the rent seeking and can even release it, a lack of control makes it unsustainable, so replacing of the forced coordination with the market one based on universal protection of the property rights is required. Due to this mechanism the market reforms may occur despite absence of either a benevolent reformist government, or even vested group's interests.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2012
|
tom 67
|
nr 2
93 – 103
EN
The paper offers a reconstruction of Marx’s explanation of the origin of surplus-value in the production process. Subsequently, the analysis of the fundamental concepts or “categories” of this explanation leads to their classification embodying two pairs of “registers”. Rules which govern the rational use of these categories are derived as well. Thus Marx’s critique of political economy can be interpreted as a critique of systematic “categorial mistakes” due to breaking these rules when using categories in explanations and definitions. In the second part of the paper (intended to be published in the next issue), these rules are applied to three misinterpretations of Marx’s theory by Michael Hauser, Wei Xiaoping and Ľuboš Blaha.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2020
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tom 75
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nr 10
832 – 844
EN
The subject of this study is the axial feature of social change that exhibits the environmental and economic tendencies towards crisis and civilisation risk. Change also affects the identifying marks of rationality that should be processing and evaluating the transformation of post-industrial countries during the Anthropocene, and directing human behaviour according to our current level of knowledge. Analysing rationality is the task of philosophy: a philosophy that is critical, is supposed to understand, comprehend and explain. Philosophy does not as such rectify, change, prescribe or direct anything. But if philosophy is critical, political and social, it is obliged to find ways to give humanity at least one more (not two, not a do-over, not the last, but just at least just one more) chance. The author is attempting to make that possible using a triple negation: No to the further liberalisation of the open and diverse liberalism of late modernity, no to the further post-industrialisation of a post-industrial political economy and no further rationalisations of modernistic rationality.
12
88%
EN
The expansion of tertiary education is high on the political agenda in the European Union. In this paper we analyse a necessary ingredient for the expansion of tertiary education – the universalisation of upper secondary education – in order to draw lessons for the expansion of the tertiary education by analogy. We examine speed, differentiation and drivers of this universalisation in Germany and compare our findings with the experiences in the Czech and Slovak Republics in order to demonstrate more general trends in educational policies in Europe. We find that the speed of universalisation depends on whether a country is a forerunner or a laggard. General tracks expanded more than vocational tracks; in Germany the two tracks complement one another. Finally we find that conflicting interest groups hampered serious reforms in Germany until the first PISA tests in 2000 placed its students well below the average among OECD countries for literacy and numeracy. Reforms introduced in the last decades, however – driven by internationalisation – are likely to lead to a further expansion of tertiary education both in Germany and in what is today the Slovak and Czech Republics.
EN
The paper offers a reconstruction of the development of Karl Marx's thought in 1842 - 1844 proceeding from the philosophy of law and social philosophy to political economy and its critique. It puts forward a new interpretation of the categories 'bürgerliche Gesellschaft', 'alienation' and 'alienated labour'. This interpretation shows that the development of Marx's thought did not proceed from 'philosophy' to 'political economy' or from 'humanism' to 'scientism', but from an 'external' to an 'internal' critique of political economy.
EN
In The Higher Learning in America, Veblen speculated on the prospects of the schools of commerce within the American university. Specifically he postulated that (a) instruction in the field of commercial training may all into a more rigidly drawn curriculum, that diverges from the ways of scientific inquiry (b) the college of commerce would divert funds from legitimate university uses, (c) create a bias hostile to scholarly and scientific work and (d) train graduates who would have better skills to predate on the community. The Higher Learning in America is an extension of his economics and was meant to be a warning about the cumulative effect of the conduct of universities by business principles. This paper summarizes the Veblenian approach used to question the legitimacy of the business school in the modern university. The goal is to promote a re-consideration of the role of the business school with respect to a Veblenian analysis.
EN
In this essay we reconsider the effects of direct foreign investments on the host countries around the globe. A number of sociological analyses (Bandelji 2009; Mahutga – Bandelji 2008), already applied such a question to Central and Eastern Europe (CEE): Is the growing penetration of host countries of multinational investment heralding the promised gains of stable economic growth and social cohesion, or is social polarization around the corner instead? In our re-analysis with contemporary data of one of the most influential essays ever published in the international sociology (Bornschier – Chase-Dunn – Rubinson 1978), which predicted that direct foreign investment would increase economic inequality and that it would have a short-term dynamic, but a long-term stagnation effect on the economic growth of the host countries (Bornschier – Chase-Dunn – Rubinson 1978: 651), we re-confirm the main thrust of the sceptical hypotheses on multinational corporation (MNC) penetration. We also show that on the global level and in the 183 countries analysed there is indeed a very strong connection between foreign capital penetration in the mid-1990s on the one hand and rising inequality, deficient life expectancy, rising unemployment, and a deficient under five mortality rate in the first decade of the new Millennium on the other. Economic growth in the contemporary period (2010) is also being determined negatively by the long-term effects of multinational corporation penetration in the mid-1990s, while in the period between 1990 and 2005 the effect was positive. Thus we confirm that the approach, established by Bandelji 2009 and Mahutga and Bandelji 2008, is a valid one, and can be generalized on a global level.
EN
The article focuses on agents facilitating translation and interpreting and provides a sociological probe into the particulars of inter-lingual intercultural transfer in Slovakia on the background of political and economic specifics of the region. The observed tendencies seem to point to the fact that in the past half century, despite the changes brought about by the Velvet Revolution, the social standing of translators and interpreters has been less determined by officially proclaimed ideologies than economic forces. From the legislative point of view, language policies have had a significant impact on the phenomena in question.
EN
The aim of this paper is to show that Karl Marx’s critique of political economy can be interpreted as a critique of what philosophers have termed “category-mistakes”. Therefore, the author turns first to the origins of this term in Gilbert Ryle’s “Categories”, to further developments in “Philosophical Arguments” and in P. F. Strawson, as well as to W. H. Walsh’s approach to categories, to establish a workable meaning of the term “category-mistake”. In the second part, he discusses briefly some of the previous uses of this term in exegeses of Marx. Based on Marx’s writings and D. Sayer’s work on Marx’s methodology, the author explicate the meaning of Marx’s term “economic category”. Finally, he arrive at an interpretation of Marx’s critique of economic theories as an analysis concerned with the improper use of theoretical concepts. By way of conclusion, the author offers some general remarks on one important aspect of critique in Marx and in social science in general.
EN
The article seeks to discover what causes can be traced for the economic and social differences that have become permanent or a trend after two decades. Secondly, it analyses what importance this model-like categorization of manifold differences bears. Thirdly and lastly, it examines the sphere of questions to do with the consequences of these differences. The main conclusion is that the community choices are significant, but their role is much less, by comparison with career dependence, than most theories assume. Achievement, to quote Hayek (1995) is borne of human endeavour, not human planning.
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