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EN
This study is aimed at exploring the dynamics of EU post accession Polish communities’ formation within the Glasgow area. In particular, it will concentrate on an analysis of the meaning of ‘community’ among groups of post accessed Polish migrants living and working in Glasgow and how this varies in relation to gender, age, and social class and other social divisions, including internal structures of marginalization and feelings of trust or distrust. It suggests that Polish migrants do not constitute a single migration community in Glasgow but a range of diverse personal communities that can be understood as a range of dense, relative autonomous relations that vary in terms of trust, obligation, and strength. As such, the Polish migrants maintain close and dense co-ethnic ties with specific groups of friends and family members simultaneously distinguishing them from the general, ethnic Polish community in Glasgow which was perceived as competitive and threatening.
EN
Researchers interested in integration have cautioned against ignoring issues of difference and inequality between groups in society. Research about the effects of contact between people from different ethnic communities suggests that outcomes can be mixed. Moreover, recent tensions about ‘British’ jobs have suggested the need to address competition between groups. In this paper I explore results from ESRC funded research with people who describe themselves as Polish and focus on views about people from other ethnic communities. I begin with an examination of the different ways in which being Polish was defined, who was seen as ‘other’ and discuss the significance of contestations over ethnicity. I examine the different ways in which people defined integration, discuss positive and negative views about members of other ethnic communities and then go on to examine the ways in which these views influenced the kinds of contacts people established. I suggest that assumptions about the values of people from other ethnic communities affected decisions about integration. Perceptions of other ethnic communities, including English ones, were also ascriptions of gender and class and challenge any simplistic notion of community or integration.
EN
In an increasingly globalised world, for many people who are using the UK adult social care services, interaction with post accession migrants as paid carers now represents an everyday encounter. This paper explores the contribution being made by post accession Polish migrants. It focuses on the role that these workers are playing in services for adults with learning disabilities in the UK. People with learning disabilities represent a service user group that continues to grow both numerically and in terms of complexity of need. Service users who rely on adult social care represent some of the most vulnerable and dependent members of society, whose needs are now largely met in community based services. This model of service delivery stands in sharp contrast to services for people with learning disabilities in Poland, where even though there is a growing shift and political commitment towards community care, most provision remains mainly orientated towards institutional care. Drawing on feminist scholarship it attempts to understand what can be learnt about care through migration discourse. The focus on social care provides opportunities for both analytical and comparative social policy analysis, while also considering the needs of adults with learning disabilities. In particular it focuses on how post accession migrants employed as care workers are key elements in the global reconfiguration of welfare systems and familial relationships. It briefly considers how the experiences and knowledge being gained by these women working in the UK could potentially impact on Polish services for people with learning disabilities
EN
Based on case studies conducted in the greater Glasgow area, the paper focuses on the experiences of Polish Entrepreneurs in a migration context. Very little is known about Polish immigrant businesses that have been set up in Western Europe in this latest EU post-enlargement era. The aim of this paper is to examine the key factors leading to emigration, business start-ups and settlement by Polish Entrepreneurs in Scotland; including the relationship with the Polish Community. The paper proposes a new understanding of Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurship and innovative behaviour. This research highlights the importance of incremental strategies for emigration, business start-up and settlement amongst Polish Entrepreneurs in Scotland. Prior to venturing into a business start-up, most of the Polish new-born Entrepreneurs interviewed had secured a job in the UK using employment agencies from Poland. However, this employment had failed to meet their standard of living expectations. In addition, the Polish Entrepreneurs studied, unlike other Ethnic Minority Entrepreneurs, rely solely on their own savings rather than benefiting from financial resources and advice from the Polish community. The Polish community is seen as a market and Polish Entrepreneurs are able to spot opportunities within the enclave-markets. Finally, the role of the household in the decision to become self-employed will be highlighted to better understand longer-term settlement amongst Polish Entrepreneurs.
EN
This article is concerned with issues of travelling home in narratives of migration, drawing particular attention to the journey itself, which I examine as an increasingly important aspect of overall personal mobility. Freedom of circulation within the European Union made the borders inside the EU space less important to those who have the right of free movement. More recently, the expansion of the EU in 2004 and the availability of cheaper, more frequent and more accessible air travel connections, has allowed for new forms of mobility, based on more frequent return visits for Eastern Europeans, who have gone to work and live in Britain. In recent years, the “visiting friends and family” (VFR) mobility type has been the fastest growing segment of inbound air traffic in the UK, accounting for almost half of all trips within European Union (CAA Passenger Survey 2006). Drawing on the narratives and interview data with “new” Polish migrants in England, this paper argues that the social content of migrant mobility and visits home is of increasing importance. Many Polish migrants in England are now dependent on this form of mobility not only for sustaining social ties, but also in case of negotiation of their social status and displaying the achievements of migration. I argue, amongst other things, that the visit home is also a fundamental part of new mobility patterns and a crucial stage in the negotiation of migration itself. I am suggesting that the ways in which the journey home and the distance between England and Poland are encountered by Polish migrants, are critical to their understandings of migration. Because of the figurative proximity between Poland and England and “when desired” nature of their movement, Polish migrants are placed in a position of privilege and control regarding their mobility.
EN
‘Mobility’ is a zeitgeist of the European Union. European enlargement and the removal of borders in Central and Eastern Europe has reinvigorated geographical mobility in Europe while the extension of neo-liberal economic reform across the region has been said to offer opportunities for social mobility to a new demography. The right to spatial and social mobility in the EU is described as enhancing freedom, opportunity and choice for large numbers of people living in Central and Eastern Europe, yet the reality for many people living and working across borders in the EU is marked still by poverty, uncertainty and immobility. How do we conceptualise this inequality within a discourse of ‘free movement’ and ‘equality of opportunity’ in Europe? In this paper I will discuss theories of mobility that have shaped the discourse on mobility and immobility in the EU in recent times. I will explore the ways in which this discourse has contributed to an almost immutable acceptance of the EU as a ‘mobile space’. Adding to this I will present some early empirical findings from case studies in the Edinburgh, Scotland and Krakow, Poland to show that the everyday experiences of young Polish people who negotiate the invisible borders of the EU to find ‘opportunities’ has many dimensions, raising further questions about how ‘mobility’ is perceived and enacted by young Polish people living and working in the UK.
EN
(Title in Polish - ' Wyjechalem ot, tak... i nie jestem emigrantem. Polski dominujacy dyskurs migracyjny i jego kontestacje na przykladzie Wielkiej Brytanii'). In 1985, a student of Florian Znaniecki, the migration and multiculturalism researcher, Professor Jerzy Zubrzycki, gave a lecture at the University of London entitled 'Peasants and soldiers, the sociology of Polish emigration'. In the author's opinion, the theses and concepts used in the lecture are examples, characteristic to Polish culture, of dominant migration discourse that may be described as dominant, symbolic structures, determined by methodological nationalism, defining concepts of spatial movement beyond the country border and imaginary community. The chief function of the discourse is the reproduction of a border concept, and thus symbolically defining the concept of community. By using the approach of Gerd Baumann on the relationship between dominant and colloquial discourse, this article shows how today's Polish migrants , challenge the dominant narrative, or manipulate it, and how that discourse contributes to the reproduction of power relations in Polish communities in the UK, especially in the context of the British multiculturalism model crisis.
EN
Poland’s accession to the EU in May 2004 brought many new possibilities and opportunities for Polish migrants to Britain. In the period from May 2004 to June 2008, over 500,000 Poles registered with the Workers Registration Scheme as employees in Britain. One unforeseen consequence of this rapid increase in migration was the large numbers of Polish children arriving in British schools. According to office government statistics, there are over 26,000 school pupils in England whose first language is Polish (DCFS, Schools Census, 2008). Schools are not only places of education but also sites of socialisation and interaction. Social norms, values and expectations are taught and learned through both the formal and informal curriculum – in the classroom, playground and at the school gates (Adams and Kirova, 2006). For newly arrived migrant children and their parents school may be the place where they encounter the diversity of the host society in all its complexity and newness. While school may be regarded as a safe place of learning, it can also be daunting and confusing. Conversations at the school gates may provide parents with a valuable opportunity to acquire new information and make friends (Ryan, 2007). However, school can also be associated with culture clashes, negative stereotypes, feelings of isolation and even racist bullying. Thus, for newly arrived migrant children and their parents, school provides an array of opportunities and challenges. In this paper we explore these issues drawing on our research with Polish migrants in London (Ryan et al, 2007; 2008) and on Polish children in London primary schools (Sales, et al, 2008). Based on interviews with parents and teachers at 4 London primary schools, as well as some additional data from Polish children, we explore processes of adaptation, accommodation, negotiation and identity formation. In particular, we analyse the ways in which Polish migrants construct notions of Polishness in the context of education.
EN
The first part of this article aims at locating the experiences of Polish migrants attending Philip course – a three-day event run by the charismatic group Cor et Lumen Christi - within wider context of charismatic movement. The second part is an attempt to describe the course and to analyse its form and content with a focus on the experiences of people participating in the course. The aim here is to capture the socially constructed meaning of that experience as embedded in the social and institutional context of migration and structural developments of the Catholic Church catering for religious needs of Polish migrants in the UK.
EN
Integration of the European Union has modified the traditional understanding of the notion of “migration”. As Adrian Favell puts it, currently - after the EU enlargement - migration from the Eastern European to the Western European states takes 2 forms: one is traditional immigration into European nation-states; the other one is “elite migration” of the EU citizens whose career strategies are cosmopolitan and post-national. Educational migration may be described as the second form; students are moving temporarily and they are open to decisions to further migrate. It is interesting to examine the links between these two types of migration; I will do this on the example of the Polish society in the UK, where both the labour migration and the educational migration has significantly increased after the Poland’s accession to the EU. My study is based on in-depth interviews, followed by a short questionnaire. The query took place in London in the academic year 2009/10 and included students and graduates of the four London universities: Westminster, Metropolitan, City University and colleges of University of London. In addition, I pay attention to government reports and statistic surveys.
EN
By now, it is a generally known fact that the majority of ‘new’ Polish migrants to the UK are carrying out simple, low-skilled work. At the same time, however, many of these migrants have considerably high levels of education (Anderson et al. 2006, Drinkwater et al. 2006, Fihel et al. 2008, Pollard et al. 2008). Up till now, this problem has been framed predominantly in terms of issues of brain drain, brain overflow and/or brain waste (Kaczmarczyk and Okolski 2005, Kaczmarczyk 2006). However, little attention has been given to the social world the ‘overqualified’ Polish migrants are living in. For the ‘overeducated’ migrants the world of work is often also one of class divisions. The values and general outlook of these (potentially) middle-class people often clash with those of their co-workers, i.e. working class Poles and Britons, resulting in a particular tension within the social environment of work as well as internal conflict. What is, therefore, the migrants’ perception of this situation? How do they view their class position in relation to their occupational and social standing in the UK? This article will be devoted to an analysis of these issues based on qualitative material gathered on well-educated Polish migrants working considerably below their level of qualifications.
EN
Detailed analysis of the research results pertaining to the role of religion in acculturation process of Poles in UK clearly points to the fact that Polish priest become a key person for understanding dynamic of acculturation process of both groups: immigrants and host population. Therefore the following perspectives on the role of Polish priest will be provided: • Perspective of Polish priests working in UK • Perspective o Polish parishioners • Perspective of British parishioners • Perspectives of Polish church hierarchy • Perspectives of British Church hierarchy • Perspectives of British priest with whom Polish priest shares work in the parish Paper points to various difficulties in fulfilling expectations of different groups towards Polish priests, conflictual characteristic of priest’s role, and deficits in proper preparation of priests for their work in UK. As the theoretical background of the process The Interactive Acculturation Model ( Bourhis, Moise, Perreault, Senecal 1997) will be employed. The model points to the influence of host population on the final outcome of acculturation process of newly arriving group.
EN
This article looks at the issue of the dramatic raise of street homelessness among Polish men from the perspective of social anthropology looking at the relationship between structural constraints faced by Polish migrants and their own perception of the social world, their meaning-making practices, norms and values, behavioral patterns. As I will show, focusing just on structural and economic determinants not only offers simplistic and one-dimensional picture but it also fails to give an explanation and prediction what happens if these constraints and exclusionary policies are removed and homeless migrants gain same set of social rights as the rest of British and EU citizens (which in theory will happen in May 2011). An anthropological approach to the functions, roles and cultural meanings of homelessness, group bonds, masculinities, alcohol consumption, perception of the state and dominant society as voiced by homeless migrants I ‘hanged around’ with, reveals that structurally rejected, people with particular backgrounds reconstruct communities and form strong ties despite (or because of) a hostile, exclusionary and hegemonic social environment of the neoliberal order. Two conclusions are drawn from this analysis, empirical and theoretical: first taking both structural and cultural factors into account the levels of homeless among that group is going to rise, at least in London; second the set of cultural forms of behavior and social practices described in academic literature as the homo sovieticus syndrome (Wedel 1986, Sztompka 2000, Morawska 1998) proves not only valuable and resourceful in highly individualized, neoliberal and capitalistic society but may be in fact reinforced in new conditions being a productive – socially and culturally - counter-reaction to the neoliberal order of social life in the global city.
EN
This article focuses on the constructions around body as gendered and sexualised within recent migration of Poles to the United Kingdom (UK). Poles migrate, as it appears, from an environment in Poland characterised by more conservative views on gender and sexuality to a more liberal environment in the UK. This article uses the feminist perspective and examines the influence of this migration on discourses around body and its potential to liberate conservative discourses. It also utilizes intersectionality framework as lens to examine issues around body and analyses how specific social categories such as gender and sexuality, seen as ‘social processes’, simultaneously influence construction of these issues (Nash 2008). This article uses internet forum discussions as data. Different views on body were identified through the analysis and it was found that debates contained a mixture of nationalist, patriarchal, conservative and liberal attitudes. The nationalist discourse is dominant in Poland and this analysis showed that this discourse in a way “travelled” with migrants. However, counter-discourses were created in the process such as the liberal one, which gives women choice in relation to their lives and does not prescribe strict gender and sexual roles. This article showed how bodies are becoming ‘gendered’ and sexualised within migration space (Jackson and Scott 2001). The analysis demonstrated that gender and sexual ideologies and environments have a great impact on people’s views on body, particularly on women’s bodies. It also demonstrated that gender and sexual ideologies and practices are negotiated and reshaped as part of the migration process (McIlwaine et al 2006; Datta et al 2008), where different views on gender and sexuality as well of intersections of these with ethnicity come into play.
EN
Over the last two decades, globalization has resulted in an unprecedented level of migration flows due to the freedom of movement, and, social exchange, due to the improvement of both telecommunications and increasingly affordable travel. A striking feature of what has come to be termed the ‘new migration’ is precisely the dynamic ways in which some arriving migrants, such as the Poles, have capitalised on their transnational associations, via a most efficient ‘exploitation’ of existing/new social capital networks. On the other hand, such benefits appear to remain beyond the reach of other arriving groups, such as the Polish Roma. The paper focuses on narrativising the differing patterns of migratory experience, by utilising data from research on post-Accession Polish Roma and Polish migrants arriving to the UK. It examines social capital formation in urban settings, juxtaposed with their respective relationships’ to the ‘wider world’. Also, their respective mechanisms adopted in order to ‘appropriate’ contested space as a basis for individual / group interaction with the wider society, and, the differential levels of success in securing such. The paper also analyses how the groups’ culturally determined public and private activities (such as boundary observation) can inhibit their public representation, and resulting ownership to shared public space. This analysis is intentionally contextualised; set within the geopolitical and cultural contexts of each group. It explores the contingent nature of existing social / cultural capital, and the negotiation of space for the ‘self’, as well as for the group. The detailed personal experiences, illustrated via personal narratives, exemplify the situational realities – that social capital can be seen as both an enhanced provider [as in the case of Polish migrants], or an inhibitor [as in the case of Polish Roma], of equitable representation within public space in civil society.
EN
I explore how working-class Polish parents come to identify with their new localities despite their limited command of English, building just a few, but necessary bridges into the English-speaking community, e.g. by learning to decipher letters from children’s schools, or attending English masses in the weeks between Polish ones. Despite the apparent sparseness of these ties, parents who have lived in Bath or Bristol for a few years already feel quite strong attachments to the local area and are not interested in moving elsewhere in England. Feelings of wanting to stay put are enhanced by parents’ exhaustion after the period of intense mobility by all parties while only the husband was working in the UK. Simultaneously, parents – usually both from the same place in Poland - maintain close ties with their original home locality. This is the only place to which they would consider return. Different family members are attached to that Polish locality to different degrees, but it seems uncommon for one to persuade the rest of the family to go back.
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