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EN
Speakers representing various generations took part in the panel discussion during the scientific session on the antecedents of March. The discussion was monitored by Helena Datner. Historian of social thought Jerzy Szacki was in the midst of the developments as deputy dean of Warsaw University's Faculty of Philosophy. Pawel Spiewak was going to school at the time, and for Marta Bucholc and Joanna Kusiak, who were born after 1968, those developments are but a historic episode. The emphasis in the statements made by the invited speakers and members of the audience was on the significance of the March 1968 events for the development of the political consciousness of the Polish intelligentsia.
EN
The paper deals with several aspects of Patocka's reflections on the role and mission of intellectuals in times, when science becomes 'the central productive power' and when the self-identifications of philosophy and philosophers become necessary. These requirements are due to various past and present 'shakes' (e.g. the extraordinary experience of participating in the WW I, which make the sense of human life problematic. According to the author, there is no unambiguous answer to the question: How the intellectual as a 'possessor of reason' is related to the intellectual as a 'spiritual being'? In the first term he finds Kantian motifs working (especially differentiating between 'Vernunft' and 'Verstand'); as for the second term, which is a more emphatic expression of distancing oneself from the obviousness of the facticity, the motifs are Platonic. In the author's view by his engagement in the Charta 77 movement Patocka has overcome 'Heraclitean-Platonic' distance between a philosopher and his townsmen, and incorporated his general principles into the postulates with strong moral accent.
EN
The paper begins with a discussion of the notion of social capital which seems to gain increasing popularity in both academic and media discourse. The concept of social capital can be understood in several, often contradictory, ways which proves useful both for its positive interpretation and critical analysis. The second part of the paper is devoted to the issue of the relationship between the notion of social capital and modernization theories. The final section of the text discusses three main ideological orientations of the contemporary Polish political discourse: the left (social-democratic) orientation, the right (conservative) orientation and the centre (liberal) orientation. These three discourses are linked to the ideal visions of Poland they imply. These visions in turn are presented both from the positive and critical standpoints. In all cases, it is shown how the notion of social capital can be used to support the arguments both for and against each of the orientations.
EN
The Germanisation policy conducted by the partitioning authorities in the region of Poznan deprived the Poles of access to posts in the administration; in time, they were almost totally expelled from the functions of judges, secondary school teachers and almost all institutions dependent on the Prussian state. Nevertheless, a small stratum of the intelligentsia, comprised almost entirely of Catholic clergymen and freelance professionals (medical doctors, journalists and pharmacists), gradually assumed shape in this province. Based on the evidence found in printed sources of the time, a collective identity is revealed among the intelligentsia of Poznan. Various periodicals show that the concept of the intelligentsia had been applied in reference to white-collar workers in the region of Poznan since the mid-nineteenth century. Moving through the period in question, more and more printed references to the group are recorded in the accounts of public lectures, concerts, theatrical spectacles, and the like showing that the Polish intelligentsia in the Poznan province was a formed stratum occupying a given place within the structure of Polish society already prior to the unification of Germany. An increasingly common view claimed that the duty of every member of the intelligentsia was to render active support to the Polish national movement and those evading their public obligations were sharply reproached by the press. Other targets of recurring criticism included the listlessness of the Poznan intelligentsia in some branches of study, with particular regret expressed for its inadequate activity in science and cultural life. The continual admonitions in Polish periodicals and the appeals addressed to the intelligentsia (and written primarily by its outstanding representatives) were the outcome of an increasingly strong awareness of the special mission which it was to fulfil in the difficult conditions endured by the Polish population under Prussian rule. At a time when the national conflict and the anti-Polish policy of the Prussian authorities had reached a climax, the problem most often discussed in the press was the participation of the Poznan intelligentsia in the Polish national movement as well as its involvement in the struggle against a Germanisation-induced oppression and the economically stronger German community. In this situation, the inner issues of the intelligentsia were relegated to the background, and rarely found their way into print. Such questions as the overproduction of the intelligentsia, so grave in the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia, were, for all practical purposes, absent in the region of Poznan.
EN
The paper is an attempt at synthetic reconstruction of the theory of cultural capital of Pierre Bourdieu. It also presents a reflection on its potential application to analyses of contemporary Polish society. Different approaches to the definition of cultural capital as well as its relations with other types of capital distinguished by P.Bourdieu are discussed. In particular, relations between cultural capital and social as well as symbolic capital are discussed. Notions of "capital conversion", "reproduction" and "field" have been also presented. The theoretical and ideological context of the development of the theory of cultural capital is discussed, as well as its functions in the context of so-called "critical theory" and relations with the notion of "human capital". The notion of cultural capital has been also discussed in relation to the theory of symbolic violence. A number of criticisms of assumptions and observations made by Bourdieu made by different authors have been presented, in particular those suggesting that Bourdieu presents his conclusions pertaining to observa- tions of contemporary French society as universal. Other reservations expressed about his theory discussed in the text included assumptions of coherence of dominant canons of the high culture in modern Western societies. The paper is concluded with a reflection on the relevance of cultural capital theory in the context of societies of Central and Eastern Europę, and in particular its uses for the study of the Polish society.
EN
The study analyses initial determination and development of social roles of the Hungarian Protestant pastors’ socio-professional group of the Augsburg and Helvetic confessions, “new born” in Bohemia and Moravia as a result of the Patent of Toleration of Emperor Joseph II. In the period 1781—1815, this group numbered about two hundred individuals. The aim is an assessment of the integration of “foreign” and “strange” pastors into the post-baroque Czech society. Descriptions of the first meetings with pastors testify to the widespread interest, especially from Czech countryside residents, motivated primarily by the curiosity of the unknown and exotic. The author investigates pastors’ strategies to overcome language and cultural barriers, as well as the evolution of social status fluctuating between the elite and the servitorship, which stabilized during the first third of the 19th Century.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników badań nad tym, jak szlacheckointeligencki punkt widzenia przejawia się w definicjach, klasyfikacjach i ocenach emigracji, tworzonych na łamach paryskiej „Kultury” (1947–2000). Na początku zrekonstruowano na podstawie literatury historycznej i socjologicznej szlachecko-inteligencki punkt widzenia przejawiający się m.in. w stawianiu wartości duchowych ponad materialne, poczuciu misji, postrzeganiu siebie jako odmiennej grupy w ramach szerszego społeczeństwa. Następnie przedstawiono wybrane elementy szlachecko-inteligenckiego punktu widzenia na emigrację w tekstach o migracji opublikowanych w paryskiej „Kulturze”. Jest to między innymi: określanie przynależności do emigracji za pomocą wybranych kategorii pokrewieństwa, uznaniowość włączenia / wyłączenia pewnych grup na emigracji, postrzeganie emigracji właściwej (szlachecko-inteligenckiej) jako reprezentantki całej emigracji (całego narodu), podkreślanie misji i wysokiego kapitału kulturowego jako wyznaczników przynależności do emigracji właściwej, a także postrzegania wartości materialnych jako przyziemnych i bogacenia się jako nagannego. W końcowej części artykułu, odwołując się do wyników badań nad dyskursem migracyjnym prowadzonych przez innych analityków, pokazano, na ile punkt widzenia inteligencko-szlachecki jest wciąż obecny w dyskursie publicznym o polskiej migracji.
EN
The article presents the results of the research on how the gentry/intelligentsia viewpoint manifests itself in the definitions, classifications and evaluations of emigration that appeared in one of the major Polish emigration journals “Kultura” (published in Paris in 1947–2000). First the gentry/intelligentsia viewpoint is reconstructed on the basis of historical and sociological literature. Both viewpoints share several defining features such as holding spiritual values in higher esteem than material ones, a sense that these groups have to fulfill a mission, and the feeling of distinction between them and the rest of the society, to name a few. In the following part of the article the selected elements of the gentry/ intelligentsia viewpoint on emigration in the texts about emigration published in “Kultura” are presented. These include: the frequent use of a particular type of kinship categories, the arbitrariness of excluding/including certain groups from/in Polish diaspora, the perception of a selected part of the diaspora as rightful representatives of all emigrants (and the whole nation), the emphasis placed on a mission and high cultural capital as the indicators of proper diaspora, as well as perception of material values as vulgar and of getting rich as immoral. In the final part of the article, referring to the research results of other scholars who studied migration discourse, it is demonstrated that the gentry/intelligentsia viewpoint has still a significant presence in the public discourse on Polish migration.
EN
The text takes up an issue of deconstruction of paradigmatic versions of 'colonized Pole' and 'bad German', which has been established in Polish literature and social discourse, especially during the period of the Partitions of Poland and the Second World War. It meant the development of the 'hard' model of Polish patriotism, which started to collapse during the period of the 'Solidarity' emigration. Rudnicki and Zaluski are writers, who found themselves in German together with this influx. Their texts take up the discussion with the paradigms of both Germaness and Polishness in their traditional versions, trying to find levels (apatriotic discourse, language, existence), which could weaken difficult historical experiences.
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