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EN
Immediately, after the World War I, the Hungarian government politics started to manage consciously the cultural events of the country. In the folklore movements on the occasion of the stage performances all generations of the village community got a role. A strong folklorisation is started in the Slovak settlements. The Folk dance department controlled the activity of the amateur folklore groups, the Ethnography department is specialized on the managing the work of traditional folklore communities in the countryside and managed direction of the professional research and collective works.
EN
In this paper the authoress deals with the image of the Habsburg Monarchy in Hungary at the time of its existence as well as with the memory the society of today keeps of it. On the contrary to what is generally assumed confrontation is not necessarily the main feature of this image. During its domination over Hungary, the Monarchy was felt alternatively as an oppressive power to which responded the 'kuruc' tradition of opposition and as a partner to achieve superior goals to which responded the 'labanc' tradition of collaboration. These patterns of political behaviour are still obvious today. The experience of the two totalitarianisms have brought a re-evaluation of the Habsburgs as benevolent sovereigns and even 1848 looks pale compared to 1956. Towards the end of the communist regime, the re-discovery of the Habsburg heritage went beyond the historical sciences and became after 1989 a cliché of the tourist discourse.
EN
The paper is concerned with a detailed contextual and archaeometrical presentation of a double-edged sword found in the Hungarian Vörs cemetery. The cemetery has been central in Hungarian research due its continuity of burials from the Avar Age throughout to the time of the Early Hungarian Principality in the 9th and 10th c. Excavators of the site usually noted a continuous population associated with the cemetery. The presence of a double-edged sword is intriguing at the site. The paper will provide exact measurements of the weapon, information about its formal features, and the findings of archaeometric analyses. After the examination, the results will be contrasted to comparable examples which suggest that both the burial and the sword date to the 9th c.
EN
In the presented study is analyzed a political discourse in Hungary about providing non-resident citizenship to the ethnic Hungarians living abroad. The double citizenship is a delicate phenomenon which is often a subject to intensive internal discussions or even conflicts of different political parties and organizations in various states which introduce this issue to their legislation. In some cases this question touches the interstates relations, particularly if non-resident citizenship has been granted to the members of related ethnic minorities living close to borders of neighbouring countries. In Hungary, the country with nearly 3 million ethnic Hungarians living in the neighbouring states, the double citizenship became one of the central issues of political discussions and confrontations in the years 1998-2010. The principal difference in the approach to this topic between the two main parties - the Hungarian Socialist Party and the Federation of Young democrats (FI DESZ) - lies in the interpretation of the relation of Hungary to the ethnic Hungarians living abroad. While the Socialists are claiming that the ethnic origin and citizenship should not be identical, strategic goal of FI DESZ is to unite Hungarian Nation over the borders by creating judicial ties of members of Hungarian minorities to the Hungarian state including non-resident citizenship. In 1998-2001 FI DESZ did not want to jeopardize the accession of Hungary to the EU and its ambition to become a leader in the Central Europe so that the double citizenship was expelled out of the centre of the political discourse. Instead of that the parliament approved the Law on preferential treatment of Hungarians living abroad. In the two last debates prevailed the interest of FI DESZ to strengthen its position in the political competition with the Socialists.
EN
The public health-related harms caused by intravenous drug use (ID), the sharing of needles and syringes and other equipment, are rather considerable. The Health Belief Model (HBM) is a conceptual framework to understand preventive behaviour regarding the sharing of needle and other paraphernalia, as it presumes a rational actor in an attempt to prevent himself from risky behaviour. In this research, HBM was used as a testing tool among Hungarian intravenous drug users (IDU) to predict risk behaviour. Structured interviews were conducted with an overall 121 street-based (out-of-treatment) IDUs. The items in the questionnaire included variables on socio-demographic background, sex and ID risk behaviour as well as the HBM: perceived susceptibility, perceived severity, perceived benefits, perceived barriers, self-efficacy. The results showed that self-efficacy, perceived susceptibility and perceived barriers as well as the number of drugs used in the past 30 days are significantly related to risky behaviour. Those perceiving increased AIDS susceptibility are more likely to be involved in high risk behaviour. The possible applicability of the model among IDUs, including the theory of rational decision-making, is also discussed. The planning of intervention strategies on IDUs' risky behaviour may be derived from the association found between behaviour and perceived risks.
6
Content available remote CSÉ ÜBER E. – VORLESUNGEN VON LÁSZLÓ CS. SZABÓ ÜBER ERASMUS 1946/47
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EN
In 1946–1947, the Hungarian essayist and poet László Cs. Szabó held lectures on Erasmus at the Department of Cultural History of the Hungarian College of Fine Arts. “Reactionary” even in name, the department had been newly established (we could say it was established specifically for him). Not only is his experience of the world war clearly present in each line of his lectures, written with a great deal of erudition and psychological insight, but it seems as though he had had presentiments of the times that were to come: his texts were imbued with admonition (taking advice from friends, two years later he did not return to Hungary from a scholarship in Italy, and he subsequently emigrated to the UK, where he took a job at the BBC). Of all of Erasmus’s biographers, Cs. Szabó mentions Huizinga alone; his influence on him is clear. He paused several times to read out quotations from Huizinga’s book. The Dutch thinker’s influence also shows in the structure and the emphasis on certain subjects. The part on history of effect as well as the one on Erasmus’s iconography was probably inspired by Huizinga’s book. Nevertheless, Huizinga’s effect is not in the details. If Huizinga distinguished The Small Erasmus and The Great Erasmus, then it is even more true of Cs. Szabó.
EN
There is a two generation gap between the creation of higher church administration in Hungary during the reign of Stephan I (997 – 1038) and the rise of the sources describing relation between the king and bishops. The only exception is the Libellus de institutione morum, perhaps the most authentic source of this period, preserved however from very late codes. Depiction of mutual relations of the monarch and bishops was created by church authorities in context of canonisation process at the end of the 11th century, following their own interests and goals. The king had been therefore depicted as propagator of the Christian faith with the purpose to replace idolatry and paganism; as supporter of the church in the meaning of institutional and material support; as propagator of the law, meant by the authors of texts as a Canonical law. Lines of the church and faith had been over-crossed in relations between the monarch and bishops, while referring ordinary execution of power. Bishops are depicted as those who are inevitable for execution of profane matters, because “without them there are no installed and ruling kings”. This article is therefore an attempt to make a description of this picture, based on narration coming from the 11th and the beginning of the 12th centuries and also an attempt to interpret them as sources describing constitution of Arpádian power structures.
EN
The study is devoted to the analysis of the defence of noble privileges and the position of the Hungarian nobility on the floor of parliament in relation to the monarch’s powers at the beginning of the 19th century. It analyses the discussions of various parliaments, especially on questions of property rights and the related rights to political representation, equality before the law, land tax and the bearing of public burdens. It examines the detailed argumentation and use of older legislation, as well as proposals for its use in favour of modernization (J. Hajnóczy, G. Berzeviczy). A special attention is devoted to the question of finance for the army, in relation to the traditional system of military service (insurrection). The author states that the achievement of change in the framework of the Hungarian constitutional system was not excluded, but the parliaments of the early 19th century did not set themselves such aims.
EN
EU accession has changed the agro-food trade of New Member States, including Hungary. The article focuses on analysing the changing structure and comparative advantage of Hungarian agro-food trade by product group and degree of processing. It aims to provide a clearer analysis of the effects of EU accession on Hungarian primary and processed agro-food trade by employing the latest data. Results confirm that revealed comparative advantages have weakened after accession and that the vast majority of products had a revealed comparative disadvantage after 2004. It is clear that accession has radically changed the survival time of agro-food trade, reasons for which are also identified.
EN
Slovak – Hungarian contact zone is historically and culturally specific area showing features of cultural coexistence in various spheres (language, agriculture, building, customs and rituals) rooted in layers of common history, regional/geographical characteristic and the way of life. The argument is based on an analysis of the secondary sources of both Slovak and Hungarian ethnology, history, linguistics and other social science and humanities. Differences found between the cultural phenomena of the two contacting ethnic areas are due to taking over phenomena from the neighbouring culture in the certain stage of its development and also due to accommodation of the phenomena to the various ranges of circumstances.
11
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EN
From the beginning of the transformation in Slovakia after 1989, the crucial problems were the issue of statehood and its resolution and the Hungarian issue. In summer 1990, the dispute over the resolution of the constitutional arrangement moved to the designation of powers. Simultaneously, the conflict concerning the speed and method of economic transformation sharpened on the Slovak political scene. The parliamentary elections of 1992 and the subsequent adoption of The Declaration of the Independence of Slovakia and The Constitution of Slovakia were of crucial importance for the further destiny of Czechoslovakia. After the establishment of an independent Slovak state, relations with Hungary and the Hungarian minority gained a new dimension.
EN
Museums and researchers require knowledge of how museums think about and practice sustainability to understand how sustainability considerations can further be incorporated and institutionalised into museum practice on four pillars: environmental, social, economic and cultural. A systematic literature review was carried out to explore the theoretical background of sustainable museums. This study, which used Q methodology, was designed to determine museum visitors’ preferences related to the most important sustainability elements of museums. The participants in the study were 24 museum visitors from Generation Z in Hungary. Data were collected through 37 Q statements. According to the findings of the research, young museum visitors can be distinguished into three groups (factors): Conscious, Experience-seeking, and Enthusiastic-to-learn visitors.
EN
The Hungarian government discussed the personal safeguarding of the Treaty at its meetings on 27th, 28th and 31st May 1920. Negotiations regarding personal involvement of the Hungarian government, which was entrusted with signing the Treaty, was not an easy undertaking due to a negative perception of the peace issue (or rather the creation of the Versailles mandate system) by the Hungarian society. It personified an unacceptable territorial establishment under the piece convention. Nevertheless, discussions of the Simonyi-Semadam's government proved that signing the Treaty by the Hungarian government was not attached to Budapest's prestige. Signing the peace Treaty by the 'mere' Labour Minister, Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary was not designed to politically declare the negative standpoint of Hungary towards the Treaty. Signing the peace Treaty was regarded by respective ministers as a matter of purely personal and carrier prestige.
EN
The political and economic situation of Hungary was significantly burdened by the fact that the country had to face the onslaught of the Ottoman Empire for two centuries, which occupied one third territory of the kingdom. Although the country was able to maintain some independence, the important governing bodies of the state administration were located outside the country. After the end of the war period, Hungary, unable to take advantage of the 1848 revolutions, was still not strong enough to attain political and economic independence. The quasi-autonomous state formed only in 1867 as part of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. The article describes the process of gaining economic independence of Hungary in the sphere of public finances and its significance for the development of the country.
EN
The paper deals with the political and social circumstances of the Hungarian constitutional moment in 2011. This time Hungary adopted the new Fundamental Law, which has started the new period in the political life of country. The constitution making did not play the role in the electoral campaign, but the achievement of the constitutional majority by Fidesz-KDNP coalition has guaranteed the possibility for the long time changes. The constitutional majority has interpreted the adoption of Fundamental Law as a beginning of the period after two decades of chaotic transition. The constitution making process was accompanied also with policy of artistic popularization of constitutional text. Director of theatre Imre Kerényi played the crucial role in this process. The idea of the special illustrated book mixing the constitutional text and pictures with historical topics was his idea. The process of popularisation has been criticized by Hungarian opposition and also by former presiden László Sólyom. The paper deals with this topic in the wider context with short comparative perspective.
ARS
|
2015
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tom 48
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nr 2
160 – 178
EN
Renaissance, and especially the figure of Matthias Corvinus, represents from the beginning to the national emancipation in the late 18th century, an important unit in the public perception and later in the state politics of history. In addition to focusing on their own national cultural heritage that plays also an important role the view of the development of Renaissance art in various regions of Southern and Western Europe. The article tries to contextualize the art historiographic positions in Hungary in 1948-1989. In the interwar period, the foundations for two movements were laid.
EN
The study is a continuation of two papers already published in the Vojenská história magazine, which had analysed the causes, development and consequences of the Czech-Hungarian war in 1254 – 1256 and the war in 1260. The current study deals with the third war between the Czech and Hungarian Kingdom, which broke out as a result of death of the Hungarian king Belo IV., culminating in an indecisive battle at the Rabca river in Transdanubia. The study has a unique contribution to the Slovak historiography, since the topic has not been processed in such an extent ever before, in spite of being one of the key areas of the 13th century history, in addition to the „big politics“ also reaching to the issues of settlement or town development (the history of Bratislava in particular). The author deals in detail with individual military-historical aspect of these events, especially in terms of comparison of the Hungarian and Czech army during the reign of the Czech king, Přemysl Otakar II. The author collected a significant number of primary sources both of narrative and of diplomatic nature, complemented by the „celebratory” materials processed in favour of the Czech monarch. The paper is based on numerous literature sources, both domestic and foreign.
18
Content available remote Maďarsko a trianonská mírová smlouva (Devadesát let od jejího podepsání)
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EN
The peace treaty with Hungary passed into history under the name Trianon Treaty according to the place where it was signed. Although it only represented a legal codification of the situation which already factually existed in Central Europe and in which Hungary had already found itself, it became a document-symbol which epitomised all-national injustice and superpowers' dictate. Its consequences affected not only the inter-war Hungarian foreign policy until its catastrophic climax, but also appeared in a broad spectrum of Hungarian political and social life and affected lives of all levels of the Hungarian society with consequences that reach into the present time.
EN
The authoress deals with the situation when the considerable part of the Lutheran priests and teachers was exiled as the result of forced recatholisation. She tries to explain its causes, course and perception. In the 17th century various protestant groups (Anabaptists, the wave of exilians after the battle of Bila Hora) chose Hungary as a country of exile. After the disclosure of Palatine Wesselenyi's conspiracy the protestants, especially the educated elite (priests and teachers), were prosecuted on a large scale. Series of trials (1672-1674) aimed against supposed rebels led to the accusations and overall punishment. In this situation, exile was rather moderate form of penalty. In most cases exiled protestants left their country after signing the letter of renouncement, which was interpreted as renegation. The paper also deals with concequences of disagreement between this group of exilians and the protestants who were prisoned and sent to galleys to Napoli. Hereby the authoress focuses on the situation of exilians as reflected by the integrating society in Germany. The ambivalent situation forced Hungarians to explain the development in their own country and to defend their own theological attitudes. The analysis is mainly based on the sources little used before (as sermons, funeral speeches and memoirs). Its aim is to reconstruct the process of exile as an extreme situation which lasted for a long time: exilians were not able to integrate fully even in confessionally homogenous society (as for instance in Germany).
EN
While national identity and nationalism have long been recognized as being comprised of numerous components, they are often assumed to be singular and unified phenomena, covering the whole of any given nation. Typologies of the varieties of nationalisms (eastern–western, civic, ethnic, etc.) are generally based upon such assumptions. Another assumption often made is that ethnic nationalisms are more exclusive than civic forms of national identity. Through the example of just one aspect, that of the place held by co-ethnics who are not citizens of the national state, the author demonstrates that the assumption made by some Hungarian politicians and social scientists of the homogeneity of national identity, and attempts to mobilize it, has repeatedly led to failure in elections. The differences he demonstrates in perceptions of this single aspect of national identity in Hungary pose a challenge to assumptions made about the unified nature of nationalism, and have implications for other nations with large populations of co-ethnics living outside their state borders.
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