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EN
This article analyses in the first part activities of the Czech National Council (NRČ) in the last Cisleithanian census, when it played the role of an authoritative national institution, organizing private censusesamong Czech minority communities, publishing educational materials and using print media in a modern way to promote its interests and communicate its position on the census to readers abroad. The second part is focused on activities of the Czechoslovak National Council in the population census 1921 and 1930. The author monitors media discourseand the language of propaganda between the members of NRČ and in the network of co-workers.
2
Content available remote Criminals condemned to death in the lands of Cisleithania in 1882-1911
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EN
The study focuses on the statistical evaluation of data on crime in 1882-1911 published in contemporary records. Firstly, a descriptive analysis is used to compare selected characteristics of persons condemned to death. Secondly, a multinomial logistic regression model is used to identify and statistically test factors determining whether a felon deserved pardon or was eventually executed. The final evaluation of the results of both analytical methods point out the differences in various parameters of criminal behaviour and its treatment on the side of the state across the lands of the Cisleithanian part of the Habsburg Monarchy.
EN
Assessment of the census routine in Cisleithania and after 1918 also in Czechoslovakia requires a comparison with census routines in neighbouring countries. Nationality assessments have been always accompanied by controversies that became a part of a political fight and their results have been often impugned. The study sums up opinions as for relevance and trustworthiness of census routines as they were demonstrated at the time of censuses and also later in journalisms and historiography. The greatest attention has been paid to a situation in Germany and Poland due to a numerous German and Polish minority in the Czechoslovak Republic and also due to the fact that in these countries it was mainly the language that was perceived as the main criterion of the nationality and the nationality did not use to be associated with the state citizenship. We can follow how, gradually, in particular historical conditions the very notion of the nationality was being changed together with criteria perceived as the background of the nationality assessment. Various controversial disproportions, as it seems, were much more evident in Poland or Germany than in Cisleithania or in the interwar Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, it has also turned out that applying of central standpoints upon the situation in much more distant regions would be always precarious, which does not concern the census category only.
EN
The political activities of the Czech Progressive Constitutional Party, largely differing from the major part of the Czech political arena, in the last months before the outbreak of World War I are explained. A description of the Party’s general profile, which continued the tradition of Czech progressionist movement of the 1890s and constituted a specific platform of modern Czech nationalism, is followed by the Party’s foreign political ideas expecting a global Paneuropean military conflict in the near future and relying on it as a way to solve the Czech question, i.e., to restore an independent Czech state based on the Czech historical constitutional right. The author follows and assesses the foreign political activities of the Czech Progressive Constitutional Party in spring 1914 and shows that it was the only party in the Czech political arena that was systematically preparing to the outbreak of a European war and linking the international solution to the Czech question to the Entente Powers, and thus anticipated the ways of anti-Austrian resistance movement during the war.
EN
This study presents an argument developing from the thesis that Czech syntheses of the long 19th century suffer from excessive ethnocentrism, i.e. the belief in one’s nation as the focal point of everything, somewhat automatically, so that an interpretation of the so-called national movement and nationalist conflicts in the Bohemian Lands rather descends into clichés and dogmas. This study points out the pitfalls in using the terms “nation” or “national identity” in analytical concept formation. It also notes that foreign historiography appears to appreciate more the contribution of the Cisleithanian system for the development of the Bohemian Lands than Czech historiography itself.
EN
The ethnic (nationalist) classification and institutional position of nationalities in Cisleithania strongly reflected also the state’s interest. The state authorities had to take into consideration, in particular, the trends of social and politicaldevelopment, such as the rising significance of national identity and theinterconnection of national and civil rights. It should be noted here that in Cisleithania most of the populations of different nationality enjoyed favorable conditions to develop their national life. The main motive of the Taaffe Government’s decision to include the questionable category of communication language instead of the mother tongue or family language in the 1880 census consisted in the legal possibility of assimilation, i.e., preventing a nationality closure and, last but not least, protecting the integrity of the state. The whole period of 1880-1914 demonstrated the significance of independent judicial power. The Administrative Court and the Imperial Court of Cisleithania played an important role in establishing the nationalist principle in public life where the nationalist and the civil principles intertwined.
EN
The study focuses on the development of business education in the area of Cisleithania and Austrian Silesia from approximately mid-18th century until the First World War. It introduces the main developmental trends in this educational sector, key legislation and organisational changes, and outlines the broadening distribution of various sectors of business education. While the first part of this text is devoted to a general context in Cisleithania, the second focuses on Austrian Silesia, where the various tendencies are documented by providing examples of particular educational institutions.
EN
A National “Struggle for Survival”? – The Badeni Crisis of 1897 in Cisleithania’s German-language PressThis article observes the role of Cisleithania’s (i.e. the Austrian “half” of the Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy) Germanlanguage press in the so-called Badeni Crisis of 1897 which was triggered by the issuance of two language ordinances designed to make Czech, together with German, an equally valid language in the inner administration of the Crownlands of Bohemia and Moravia. By comparing the reporting style of two newspapers from different regions – the Viennese newspaper Neue Freie Presse and the Bohemian newspaper Prager Tagblatt – this essay explores how interpretations of this serious political crisis differed in the periphery and the centre of the Habsburg empire. The author shows that, even though the Badeni Crisis directly affected mainly German-speaking Bohemians, the reporting style of the Prager Tagblatt was less sensationalist and its choice of words less nationalistic and militaristic than the coverage of the same events by its Viennese counterpart, the Neue Freie Presse. In a second step, reasons for this surprising discrepancy are traced. Narodowa „walka o przetrwanie”? Kryzys Badeniego 1897 roku w niemieckojęzycznej prasie PrzedlitawiiArtykuł poświęcony jest roli niemieckojęzycznej prasy w Przedlitawii (czyli austriackiej „połówce” Monarchii Austro-Węgierskiej) podczas tzw. kryzysu Badeniego w 1897 roku, wywołanego przez wydanie dwujęzycznych ordynacji, co miało sprawić, że język czeski, obok niemieckiego, stanie się równorzędnym językiem wewnętrznej administracji Królestw Czech i Moraw. Poprzez porównanie sposobu przekazu informacji w ukazujących się w dwóch regionach gazetach – wiedeńskiej „Neue Freie Presse” i czeskiej „Prager Tagblatt” - autor docieka, w czym interpretacja tego poważnego kryzysu politycznego różniła się na peryferiach i w centrum imperium Habsburgów. Pokazuje, że choć kryzys Badeniego bezpośrednio dotknął przede wszystkim niemieckojęzycznych Czechów, to ton przekazu w „Prager Tagblatt” był mniej sensacyjny, mniej nacjonalistyczny i militarystyczny w doborze słownictwa, niż to miało miejsce w relacjach o tych samych wydarzeniach, które ukazywały się w wiedeńskim odpowiedniku gazety, „Neue Freie Presse”. Następnie autor prześledził powody tej zaskakującej rozbieżności.
EN
This study aims to disprove a thesis about the exceptional impact of this Crisis upon the qualitative and quantitative transformation of German nationalism in this part of the German Confederation, using an analysis of the response of the population of the Cisleithanian part of the Austrian Empire on the Rhine Crisis of 1840. It simultaneously aims to throw doubts on the as yet black and white perception of Austria as “Europe’s China,” whose inhabitants were cut off from the events beyond their borders by an information barrier erected by state repression. Yet, as this study aims to prove, educated Austrians, in particular, were acutely interested in international events; they had sufficient access to relevant and often highly reliable information and, in fact, no one prevented them from discussing these events in public. If the Rhine Crisis had a completely negligible impact upon the development of German Nationalism in Cisleithania, then, clearly, the main reasons for this state of affairs were to be found somewhere else than in the repressive apparatus of the Austrian Empire.
EN
This study deals with skilled employees of Prague book printers at the turn of the 20th century. Typographers have traditionally had a reputation as elite and elitist workers. In addition, they were active participants in public patriotic life in Prague in the 1860s-1880s. After 1890, however, their main provincial organisation, the Typographic Club, became involved in building a united workers’ movement under the auspices of socialism. The study examines the activities of several typographers-socialists within the structures of social democracy and the reaction of skilled typographers, i.e., the members of the Typographic Club, to the change of rhetoric and strategies of their organisation. It also focuses on how the Typographic Club mastered some cultural practices of the socialist movement (e.g., May Day celebrations, engagement in a unified socialist educational institution or the change in the relationship with unskilled workers). Using the example of the engagement of the Typographic Club in the Dělnická knihtiskárna a nakladatelství [Workers’ Printing Office and Publishing House], it shows the conflicting areas in which the typographic organisation began to split ideologically at the end of the century.
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