Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Vybrané rysy spirituality české katolické církve (1948-1989)

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Hanus J.

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nr 2-3

341-353

EN

In this article the author seeks to explain some fundamental features of Roman Catholic spirituality in the Bohemian Lands after the Second World War. He demonstrates that this phenomenon was in essence both determined by the 'Roman Catholic Renaissance' of the 1930s and by new tendencies, particularly after the Communist takeover of February 1948. Among these tendencies was its enforced closed nature, fear of persecution, traditionalism, and conservatism, which were mainly the result of the limitations on being in touch with people abroad. On the whole, however, the author believes that Czech Roman Catholicism from the Communist takeover to the collapse of the regime in late 1989, despite all its problems, contributed to Czech culture, and he demonstrates this also in the reception of the Second Vatican Council in Bohemia and Moravia. The spirituality of women, both of nuns and of secular intellectuals, receives special praise in the article.

2

Empirické výzumy (současného) náboženství v letech 1946-1989. Prolegomena k vývoji české sociologie náboženství v období marxistické dominace

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Nespor Z. R.

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nr 2-3

399-438

EN

The article first summarizes projects of quantitative sociological research into Czech religiousness, which were carried out from 1946 to 1989 (when, with the exception of 1950, religious affiliation was not a question on the census), and it subjects this research to a methodical critique. The author then discusses the institutional background of these research projects. Research into religious attitudes was carried out in 1946 by the recently established Institute of Public Opinion Research. After the Communist takeover, however, sociology was no longer an acceptable discipline, and State organs that were also working against religion took over this research task. Their research into 'objective religious factors,' conducted from the 1950s to the 1980s, considered only the decline in church-based religious feeling. More profound sociological research was made possible with the establishment of the Institute of Sociology at the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences in the 1960s. Though this research was in the sway of the models of the period, that is to say, the 'sociology of the parish', it was relatively successful, methodologically suitable research (for instance into religiousness in North Moravia, 1963, with an attempt to expand it to the whole country), and met with a positive international response. It was doomed, however, by the policy of 'Normalization,' when the Institute of Sociology was merged with the Institute of Philosophy. Sociological research into religion was then entrusted to the Institute of Scientific Atheism, which was established in Brno. (The most important research that it conducted was into the religiousness of pupils and students of elementary and secondary schools in South Moravia, 1979.) Similar research was also carried out by the reorganized Public Opinion Research Institute in 1979, 1983, 1985, 1986, and 1989. Not one of these projects, however, can be considered rigorous, because the methods used were ideologically in the sway of the regime, it was not of sufficiently professional quality, and was palpably behind modern Western developments in the sociology of religion. More credible research, though limited for practical reasons, was provided by 'samizdat' and emigre sociology, which cast doubt on the idea of the automatic secularization of Czech society in connection with modernization and the dominance of Marxist thought. The development of truly unbiased research could take place only after the changes that began in late 1989. When interpreting earlier research and comparing results with contemporary findings on religiousness one must therefore bear in mind that it cannot be done without taking into account the conditions of the society and of the discipline in which the research was originally conducted, as well as the aims it was intended for.

3

Český ateismus ve dvacátém století. K vývoji a institucionalizaci v letech 1948-1989

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Vaclavik D.

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nr 2-3

471-487

EN

This article considers the effects of atheism, an intellectual and political movement denying the existence of God (the Supernatural) and casting doubt on the point of institutions connected with God in twentieth-century Bohemia and Moravia. The author distinguishes between atheist, agnostic, and 'non-believer,' and, referring to contemporary sociological research into religiousness in Czech society, argues that it would be wrong to consider the mass turning away from traditional confessions to be evidence of its prevailing atheism or a consequence of forty years of Communist dictatorship. The article considers the topic in the broader historical context, and points to the anticlerical (essentially anti-Roman Catholic) tradition in modern Czech history, which is rooted in the National Revival and was intensified in connection with the anti-Habsburg struggle leading to the creation of the Czechoslovak Republic. The Communist regime, seeking, after it took power in February 1948, to suppress the Church and religion, thus found fertile ground. The beginning of atheism in the Czech milieu, as elsewhere in Europe, is linked to the development of the Freethinkers movement. Within this movement (the Czech section, 'Volna myslenka', was founded in 1904), a positivist current predominated at first. From the early 1920s, however, its views increasingly clashed with the Marxist-influenced stream. That stream originated in Marx's interpretation of religion as a false, alienated consciousness, serving the interests of reactionary social forces and an outdated 'scientific view of the world.' Atheism in the Marxist conception was thus understood not only as a noetic perspective, but also as a set of principles forming part of Communist, or Socialist, ethics. The author argues that, after taking power, the Communist regime commenced its struggle against the Churches (particularly the Roman Catholic) with the help of propaganda that was political rather than atheist, owing both to tactical considerations (the considerable religiousness of the rural population) and to the implicit conviction of Communist functionaries that religion would die out together with the people and institutions that represented it. In the 1950s, 'scientific atheism' had not yet emerged from Marxist-Leninist doctrine as an independent discipline, and was therefore not a special subject of the school curriculum or scholarly debate. It emerged slowly, in about the 1960s, but by then, with the overall liberalization of society, relations between the Churches and State had improved, and space for religious ideas had begun to appear. In the last part of the article, the author describes the institutionalization of 'scientific atheism' as part of the strategy of 'Normalization,' reflected for example in the founding the Institute of Scientific Atheism at the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences, Brno, 1972. The mission of this institute was not merely the theoretical refutation of religion and the promotion of a 'scientific view of the world' in research into the orientation of the population in this respect, but also the elaboration of assessments for publications with regard to their 'ideological incorruptibility' and assessments of the activity of the clergy in deciding to revoke the requirement of State consent for those who wished to work as members of the clergy.

4

Lev v kleci. Návrat Lva Sychravy z emigrace v roce 1955

100%

Pernes J.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2007

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tom 14

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nr 4

607-650

EN

Lev Sychrava (1887-1958) was an important Czechoslovak journalist, the only top-ranking exile to take advantage of the 1955 amnesty offered by the Czechoslovak regime to those who wished to return home. The author tells Sychrava's story with an emphasis on this particular aspect towards the end of his life. First, he discusses Sychrava as a 'Masaryk and Benes man', connected to the fate of the First Republic: from his start in politics in the Czech Progressive State Rights Party in Austria-Hungary to his time as an emigre during the First World War, where he became a close collaborator of Tomas Garrigue Masaryk (1850-1937), his short career as a legate in Paris, his career as Deputy Chairman of the Community of Czechoslovak Legionaries, from 1921, and particularly as Editor-in-Chief of the ex-Legionary daily 'Narodni osvobozeni' (National Liberation) from 1924. He remained in these posts till the German Occupation, which began in mid-March 1939. After the outbreak of war, Sychrava was interned in the Buchenwald concentration camp. After the Liberation in May 1945, he returned to his vocation, but remained there only till the Communist takeover. At the end of May he tried to emigrate, but was unsuccessful. A month later, however, he managed to leave the country with official permission. Once abroad he joined emigre organizations, and played an important part particularly in establishing the Edvard Benes Institute for Political and Social Studies, in London, in 1950, and in its subsequent work. At the same time, however, his views earned him the reputation among his fellow-emigres of being left-wing, and he found himself isolated. (Sychrava interpreted the show trial of Rudolf Slansky (1901-1952) and others, for example, as the victory of the Gottwald Stalinist line over the Trotsky line and as the arrival of democratic Socialism in Czechoslovakia). In 1952 Sychrava therefore inquired into the possibilities of returning home to Czechoslovakia. His efforts were more than facilitated by the amnesty for emigres to return home voluntarily, which was announced by President Antonin Zapotocky in May 1955. Operation 'Return', as it was called, was run by the State Security Forces (StB) with the aim of dividing and weakening the emigres. Sychrava took up the offer in December 1955. The author demonstrates that in returning home Sychrava fell prey to illusions about the regime and the possibilities of resuming his previous work in his homeland. The author describes the largely poor conditions Sychrava lived in as soon as the regime lost interest in him. Although he did not come out publicly against the emigres, the StB managed to use his one public meeting for their own propaganda purposes. Amongst the emigres, Sychrava's return to Czechoslovakia caused indignation, and his old friends at home treated him with scepticism, mistrust, and disdain, partly because, despite certain reservations, Sychrava in essence identified with Communist policy and made no secret of his anti-American sentiments. He ended up once again in social isolation, disappointed and embittered, and died of an illness in early January 1958.

5

RUSÍNI A UKRAJINCI NA SPIŠI V ROKOCH 1945 – 1967

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Furmanik M.

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tom 68

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nr 4

635 – 665

EN

The study deals with the situation and activities of Ruthenians and Ukrainians in the Spiš region in 1945–1989. The introductory parts of the study deal with two events that particularly affected the life of Ruthenians and Ukrainians. It was an option to the Soviet Union in 1947 and the abolition of the Greek Catholic Church in 1950. The study also deals with the relationship of Ruthenians and Ukrainians with the majority and their employment. A considerable part of the study is also devoted to the education and culture of Ruthenians and Ukrainians, which were significantly influenced by Communist power interventions. The thesis tries to point out the specifics of the Spiš Ruthenians and Ukrainians and a certain difference in their historical development compared to Ruthenians and Ukrainians in Šariš and Zemplín.

6

Sartre and Communism

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Cohen-Solal A.

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nr 4(56)

79-86

EN

When Sartre died in 1980 the secretary of the French Communist Party eulogized him as 'one of the greatest minds of our time', closing thereby a long period of mutual strain, recriminations, competition and misunderstanding. Sartre was never a member of a communist party, but he often supported its efforts in public speeches and in press. But the party did not trust him. His closest communist friend, Paul Nizan, presented him in a novel a character that resembled Sartre, a radical pessimist and a petit bourgeois, who is not a sincere advocate of socialist ideas and eventually betrays the working class. This figure cannot be interpreted as a literal image of Sartre, but it is true that Sartre's relation to communism was always complicated. For some time he tried to reconcile his views with the current policies of the French and Soviet communists parties. But he never accepted their dogmas and gradually he became more and more suspicious of the policies of the French communists, whom he trusted even less then the Soviets. For this attitude he was sometimes called a hypo-Stalinist, i.e. a defender of the Soviets who nevertheless admitted to having a broad knowledge of the atrocities committed by them. Sartre held this precarious position until 1956, when he openly broke off his allegiance to the FCP and finally withdrew his support for the Soviet version of communism after the invasion of Hungary. But even then he changed his allies, not his views. In the subsequent period he found new friends among the Maoists and remained a distant observer or sympathizer of the EuroMarxists. In general his political views should be viewed not as expressing a well defined political position, but as a manifestation of philosophical and ethical ideas, and as a realization (perhaps the last one) of what was traditionally conceived in France as the intellectual's mission

7

Studium na bohoslovecké fakultě v Litoměřicích. Osobní zkušenost z let pozdní "normalizace"

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Jandourek J.

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nr 2-3

439-448

EN

An important form of State control of the churches and their repression under Communist rule was the education of young clergymen at the faculties of theology. After 1953, the only officially permitted Roman Catholic faculty of theology was in the Bohemian town of Litomerice. The author, an important journalist and novelist in the period following the Changes of late 1989, studied there from 1984 to 1989. In the form of personal memoirs he describes the faculty in those days. It was not academically strong, and seminary life served more to control future clergymen (since graduating from the faculty was a necessary condition for subsequent work with the Church) than it was to provide space for spiritual development. Though the students had to be screened by the secret police, which had tried to lure them into collaboration even at the entrance exams, they were definitely not pro-regime. That is particularly true of members of the secret religious Orders. In the second half of the 1980s no one even bothered anymore to persuade students of the necessity of changing one's anti-Communist attitude. As long as one did not make this attitude clear, the system worked. Theologians themselves could thus not be certain whether they were part of the 'visible', collaborating Church, or were part of the opposition, because simply by having entered the faculty they had made it clear what they thought about the establishment's Marxist ideology. The situation at the Roman Catholic faculty of theology (which by its subservience to the State authorities brought to mind the general seminaries of the eighteenth century in the reign of Joseph II) thus basically resembled the situation throughout the 'official' Church in the Bohemian Lands and throughout Czech society as well. Consequently, its transformation after the Changes of late 1989 is taking a long time.

8

ÚSILIE O HUMANIZÁCIU ČLOVEKA A OBČANA

88%

Kmeť N.

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tom 11

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nr 2

3 – 19

EN

Miroslav Kusý belongs to the generation of intellectuals of the 20th century who never doubted that the implementation of communist ideals would secure peace and prosperity for all humanity. Gradually, however, his opinions ceased to correspond to the party line, and in 1971 he was expelled from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia.After his break with communist ideology, he nevertheless remained committed to Marxism, and this at the time of his open conflict with the Normalization regime. M. Kusý’s persecution culminated in August 1989, when he was taken into custody with Jan Čarnogurský, Hana Ponická, Vladimír Maňák and Anton Selecký were arrested as well. Together, they formed the wellknown Bratislava Five. Kusý advocated reintegration of political science into the system of scientific disciplines as early as the 1960s. He argued in its favour by saying that the former contributes to the understanding of social, political and economic problems. Since 1990, he has significantly contributed to the development of political science in Slovakia and is still one of the leading advocates of human rights. His opinions are always closely monitored and at times trigger negative reactions. Kusý has frequently encountered attacks on his person, his opinions and attitudes in the mass media - not only during the Normalization period but also after 1990. He has always striven to find answers through his own reasoning and fact-finding and to arrive at conclusions that would reflect both the particular period and the level of knowledge of the time. His life stance has garnered him honours including the state awards of the Slovak Republic, the Czech Republic and Hungary.

9

CAPITALISM, COMMUNISM, ENVIRONMENTALISM, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF FREEDOM

88%

Sankowski E. , Harris B. J.

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tom 78

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nr suppl.

62 – 74

EN

It has been common in some cultural contexts to distinguish sharply between capitalism and communism, assuming conflicting concepts of freedom. The dichotomy has influenced some philosophy, real-world contests in politics, and popular discourse. In the West, often capitalism and markets have been associated, however questionably, with freedom and democracy. Different notions of freedom have circulated as a part of another ideological complex opposed to that of the West. However, environmentalisms of various sorts have increasing importance in suggesting newer types of freedom, previously less salient due to the overpowering capitalism-communism dichotomy. Abstract concepts of freedom influenced by the older capitalism-communism dichotomy need critique. Different environmentalisms, less centred on the old dichotomy, increasingly can be progressively connected with different freedoms-in-environments frameworks. New perceptions about freedom can emerge.

10

CÍRKEVNÍ A POLITICKÉ SOUVISLOSTI ŽIVOTA JOSEFA HLOUCHA

88%

Šebek J.

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2013

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tom 15

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nr 3

168–183

EN

This study deals with the life story of Bishop Joseph Hlouch in the context of the dramatic political, social and religious changes of the 20th century – during the interwar Czechoslovak Republic, in the post-war period and during the existence of the Communist regime from its takeover in 1948 to the period of “normalization” after the Warsaw Pact invasion.

11

ADVENTURES OF ACADEMIC MOBILITY: ROMAN JAKOBSON IN SLOVAKIA

88%

Zavacká M.

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nr 5

851 – 878

EN

The study focuses on the repeated visits of Russian-born Harvard linguist Roman Jakobson to Slovakia. The author traces Jakobson’s Slovak contacts from the interwar period up to 1968. Based on analysis of secret police documents and memoir literature, the research offers an insight into contemporary academic and cultural life in 20th century Czechoslovakia. Jakobson’s first Slovak contacts in the 1920s were linked to his activities in the Prague Soviet legation and the Charles University. In the 1930s he visited Bratislava more frequently, while teaching at Brno University. During the Stalinist era in Czechoslovakia, a number of his friends and colleagues were politically prosecuted. Only in 1957, he was able to return to Czechoslovakia for Slavonic Studies conferences in Prague and Olomouc, using this occasion to give a lecture also in Bratislava. In the approaching wave of hate-campaign against local “unreliable intellectuals” he was denounced as a “cosmopolitan” and “Western agent”. Subsequent attempts for Jakobson’s academic and public rehabilitation, urged by his Czechoslovak friends, became a reality only during his visit in 1968. The presentation ceremony of the Golden medal of the Slovak Academy of Sciences to Roman Jakobson was scheduled in Bratislava on August 21, 1968, the day of the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia by the Warsaw Pact.

12

ČESKOSLOVENSKÉ VEĽVYSLANECTVO V BUDAPEŠTI V KONTEXTE MAĎARSKEJ REVOLÚCIE ROKU 1956

75%

Haľko J.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2015

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tom 63

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nr 2

313 – 332

EN

The article analyses the situation at the Czechoslovak embassy in Budapest during the Hungarian Revolution of autumn 1956. Most of the information comes from the telegrams exchanged between the Budapest representatives and the Foreign Ministry in Prague. The apparatus of notes not only gives the archive sources, but all explanatory information on individual persons and events.

13

(POST)COLONIAL CITIES OF CENTRAL EUROPE. ((Postkolonialne) miasta Europy Srodkowej)

75%

Lisiak A.

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tom 6

137-148

EN

Former satellite countries of the Soviet Union are perceived as postcolonial cultures, which means that their capitals should also possess postcolonial characteristics. Postcolonial identities of Central European cities remain almost unnoticed. The article aims at filling this gap by showing the particular postcolonial structure of cities such as Berlin, Budapest, Prague and Warsaw. The author defines the (post)colonial city by means of postcolonial and colonial analysis of the features of Central European cities. The presentation of this concept in a historical, cultural and political context allows for a deeper understanding of changes that the identities of Central European cities have been experiencing since 1989.

14

The Impact of Migration on Paid Work and Child-Care Arrangements among Polish Migrant Parents in Scotland

75%

Ramasawmy L.

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tom 41

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nr 3 (157)

15–36

EN

This paper draws on a qualitative study of Polish parents in thirty families who migrated to Scotland after Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004. It investigates the different ways in which these parents negotiate child-care and paid work, looking at how their preferences and choices relate to social and policy norms in Poland and the UK, to their own personal life trajectories, and to the contexts and opportunities available to them in Scotland. In my analysis, I make use of theory relating to labour market change and to women’s preferences in work, drawing on Catherine Hakim’s ‘Preference Theory’. I look at the relevance of historical influences and norms stemming from communism and Catholicism in Poland, as well as the more recent impact of neoliberalism, on paid work and child-care strategies. In my analysis, I highlight in particular the importance placed by parents on the opportunities provided by the more flexible labour market, greater availability of parttime work and easier access to vocational training for parents in the UK than in Poland. To assist analysis, I distinguish three family types within my study group: first, young families in which parents migrated singly and subsequently started families in the UK; second, older families who migrated with school-age children in search of a better standard of living; and third, professional or skilled parents who migrated to take up employment in their field in the UK. I find that each type of family is associated with a different pattern of child-care and employment in the UK and explore how migration has impacted on parents’ ability to enact their chosen lifestyle.

15

PUBLIC MONUMENTS IN CHANGING SOCIETIES

75%

Edit A.

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tom 43

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nr 1

39-50

EN

The paper attempts to describe a complicated history of the public monuments erected in Eastern Europe in the course of modern history - from Lenin's favourite pet-project, the Plan for Monumental Propaganda from 1918, making use of public monuments for propagation of Communism, through the wave of demolitions of a series of bronze or marble statues of pro-soviet politicians in its satellite states from the late 1980s onwards, and finally to their recent replacements by monuments representing nationalistic ideologies.

16

BIG BANG OF COMMUNISM: THE BOLSHEVIKS’ DESTRUCTION OF THE RUSSIAN CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY AND THE MAKING OF THE FIRST COMMUNIST DICTATORSHIP (NOVEMBER 1917-JANUARY 1918)

75%

Van Duin P. C. , Poláčková Z.

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nr 2

57 – 75

EN

This essay examines the suppression by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 of Russia’s first democratically elected parliament, the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, and the various steps taken and arguments used by them during the preceding weeks to achieve this goal. Although Lenin and his Bolshevik party had never intended to tolerate the emergence of the Constituent Assembly as a competing political institution to their so-called Soviet democracy, they had to take care to present their repressive intervention as a rational and inevitable act from a revolutionary point of view. This crucial historical episode reveals the true character of the communist movement and communist ideology, which developed into one of the most dangerous threats to European democracy. There were several socialist parties in Russia who tried to fight the Bolsheviks and to present a democratic-socialist alternative, in particular the moderate (‘Right’) wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. The last section of this essay pays some additional attention to Viktor Chernov, a leader of the democratic group of Socialist-Revolutionaries and the President of the Constituent Assembly. In 1921 he fled to Czechoslovakia, where he lived until 1929.