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1

PUBLIC LIFE OF POLES THROUGH THE PRISM OF SURVEILLANCE BY REPRESSIVE STRUCTURES OF THE SOUTH-WESTERN REGION OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE ON THE EVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

100%

Ivanenko O.

Міжнародні зв’язки України: наукові пошуки і знахідки

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2022

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nr 31

95-111

EN

This paper, based on documents from the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv), highlights the specifics of the social life of Poles in the South-Western region of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War. The author studied the official correspondence of the General Staff of the Russian Empire and the Staff of the Kyiv Military District, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and provincial gendarme departments of the South-Western Region, secret documents of the Kyiv Security Office, the Office of the Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General, and so on. These documents illustrate the focus of the Russian imperial authorities on gathering information about the political situation and public sentiment in Austria-Hungary, and above all in Galicia. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, against the backdrop of an intensified interstate confrontation between Austria-Hungary and Russia, a competition of state building models became more active. In the early 20th century, the idea of federalism was strengthened in Austria-Hungary with the aim of internal political stabilisation and a broad guarantee of the Slavonic peoples' rights. And it was no accident that guard and punitive authorities of the Russian Empire focused their attention on intelligence information about the activities of the Polish Socialist Party, the creation of paramilitary organizations in Galicia, and the preparation of an anti-Russian uprising by the Poles during the expected war between Russia and Austria-Hungary. The Polish population of the South-Western region was supervised. Discriminatory measures were taken against the cultural activities of the Poles of the South-Western region aimed at raising national self-awareness and patriotism, schooling and national-cultural public organizations were suppressed, and monitoring of the Roman Catholic clergy was established. In view of the approach of the 50th anniversary of the January Uprising of 1863-1864, the guard and punitive bodies of the Russian Empire directed special efforts to prevent the spread in the South-West Region of actions commemorating this symbolic anniversary organized on the territory of Austria-Hungary, in particular in Lviv

2

Die Handelsbeziehungen der Habsburger Monarchie mit Japan vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg

100%

Skřivan A.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2012

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tom 2

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nr 2

49–58

EN

Author analyses in this study the character and the development of trade between Austria-Hungary and Japan before First World War. He pays attention to the beginning of mutual trade, to the trade conditions in Japan, to the development of maritime transportation to the Far East and to Japan’s the striving for revision of unequal treaties. The final part of the study summarizes the findings about the proper development of the trade.

3

Pomoc materialna społeczności Galicji Zachodniej Legionom w 1914 roku

100%

Cisek M.

Sowiniec

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2014

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nr 45

51-91

EN

Based on the source query conducted by thee team of the Supreme National Committee at the National Archives in Kraków, this paper discusses the organization and fi nancing aid for shooting troops and Polish Legions from the society of Western Galicia in 1914. Particular attention was paid to the organization of the aid and the sources of fundraising for the Legions in Kraków and counties and municipalities in Western Galicia.

4

Proměna nobilitační politiky podunajské monarchie po roce 18481

100%

Županič J. , Miller S.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2019

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tom 117

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nr 3

535-585

EN

After 1848, most of the noble privileges were cancelled in the Danube Monarchy and noble titles transformed into a special form of state honour, the character of which was exceptional in its form. Nobilitation ad personam never occurred, because it contradicted Hungarian law. The nobility was the appreciation of merit as such; the title, which in the previous centuries represented an important symbol of the social and power position of the individual and the family, was newly dependent only on the position honoured on the social ladder. In that, the state logically favoured civil servants (officials and officers). A slightly different aristocratic policy was practiced in Austria and Hungary. The extraordinary increase in nobilitations that occurred after the middle of the 19th century and the weakening of the position of the nobility as a result of the changes after 1848 resulted in the closure of the family aristocracy and it further deepened the already deep moat between the old and the new nobility. The failed policy of creation of the elites is one of the causes of the rapid abolition of aristocracy after 1918.

5

Kardinální problém Rakousko-Uherska za Velké války 1914–1918: Lidský potenciál na frontě a v zázemí

100%

Jindra Z.

Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)

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2014

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tom 2

93-113

EN

According to the 1867 constitution the Habsburg Monarchy’s armed forces consisted of the common army, the navy, the Austrian Landwehr and the Landsturm. The armed forces had authority over three ministries and were themselves subject to the rule of three parliamentary institutions. From the beginning the growth of the armed forces had not kept pace with that of the population as a whole. There was a low volume of conscripts and poor training of reservists. This resulted in a relatively small army both in peace time and during war and meant that by the spring of 1918 Austria-Hungary had practically exhausted its available human resources. This was exacerbated by the high number of losses, both through death and capture. On the battlefield the number of deaths is thought to have been between 905,000 and 1,200,000 with 1.8 million injured. At the same time the number of deaths and illness in the hinterland increased while the rate of fertility dropped. In order to resolve this the government applied a number of measures: the upper age limit of conscription increased, the necessary standards for recruitment were lowered, training period was shortened, more use of weapons, factory workers were replaced with women, prisoners of war and workers from the occupied territories. However at this time the importance of the “war economy” was also growing which resulted in an increase in firms requesting the release of their employees from military service. In 1918 the Habsburg Monarchy had not only exhausted its human resources but was also on the brink of economic collapse.

6

Militäradel der Österreich-ungarischen Monarchie während des Ersten Weltkriegs

88%

Županič J.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2022

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tom 12

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nr 2

177-232

EN

One of the oldest privileges of the officers of the Habsburg Monarchy established by Maria Theresa in 1757 gave the commissioned officers involved in a campaign after 30 years of service the right to apply for free-of-charge ennoblement in the Habsburg Monarchy (later Austrian Empire). The aim was to enhance the social status of the officers as well as to strengthen the pledge between these officers and the monarch. In the following years, the directive was further amended. Since 1896 a forty-year service sufficed for ennoblement of an officer and, at the same time, it was determined that Austrian officers shall be granted an Austrian title and Hungarian officers a Hungarian title. World War I, however, witnessed the most dramatic rise in modifications. The study focuses on the recruitment of nobility from the ranks of officers and its main goal is the scrutiny of the events leading to the aforementioned changes throughout World War I and the consequences of these changes.

7

Iluze nezávislosti. Sociální status c. k. soudce v konfliktu loajalit mezi národem a státem na přelomu 19. a 20. století

88%

Klečanský M.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2014

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tom 112

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nr 3

432-462

EN

This study focuses upon the role of a judge in the Cisleithian part of the Habsburg Monarchy. The judge as a formally independent and impartial representative of one of the three branches of state power was fully dependent on the executive branch decision-making in terms of his material and social standing. Efforts to improve their status led the judges to co-operate with the political representation, resulting in the ever increasing interference of political parties in the sphere of judicial administration.

8

Leopold Graf Berchtold – Grandseigneur und Staatsmann oder der Urheber des Weltkrieges? Zur Außenpolitik der Habsburgermonarchie der letzten Jahre vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg

88%

Skřivan A.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2013

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tom 3

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nr 1

116-124

EN

Autor dedicated this study to the personality of Count Leopold Berchtold, who served as Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary in last years before the outbreak of First World War. Author presents Berchtolds diplomatic career, analyzes the circumstances of his nomination as Foreign Minister and primarily pays the attention to the Berchtolds role in the last years before First World War and especially during the July Crisis 1914.

9

Formování židovské šlechty ve středoevropské perspektivě

88%

Županič J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2014

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tom 112

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nr 1

40-59

EN

The aim of this study is to outline the summary development of Jewish nobility (persons of the Jewish faith or origin) in the Hapsburg Monarchy, yet focusing primarily upon contemporary specifics in terms of their nobilitations. It summarizes the development of awarding aristocratic titles to these persons and attempts to characterize the main milestones of nobilitations and compares the nobilitation policy of the rulers of the Danube Monarchy and the Kingdom of Prussia towards individuals of the Jewish faith and origin.

10

National Liberals and their Progeny. Approaching the Peculiar Developments in Central European Liberal Party Traditions, 1867–1918

88%

Mulej O.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2015

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tom 111

EN

This paper addresses patterns of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century structural and ideological transformations of liberalism in Central European party politics that might be perceived as region-specific. Focusing on the Czech, German, and Slovene speaking lands of the Cisleithanian half of the Habsburg Monarchy, it also shortly discusses the Imperial German, Hungarian and Polish Galician contexts. Perhaps the most striking aspect of the complex interplay between ideologies, organized political movements, and political languages within the context of rapidly changing political cultures during the last third of the nineteenth century and first quarter of the twentieth was the changing relationship between the national and liberal components within the national liberal traditions. By 1900 the national came to visibly prevail over the liberal: nationalism was gaining in strength and intensity and was adopting new, more aggressive and integralist forms. From the turn of the century onwards it is therefore more proper to talk about heirs of liberalism in terms of party politics rather than simply liberals. The nationalist turn of the Central European national liberals and their political heirs, reached its peak by the turn of the century and continued to develop further into the interwar period. Partial abandonment of classical liberal tenets largely distinguished the contemporary organized liberalism to the West as well. What makes the Central European developments specific in this regard is their direction, which unlike the emergence of currents of new or social liberalism in the West, to a notable degree led towards adoption of anti-liberal and radically nationalist positions and therefore partial vanishing of liberal traditions.

11

A Municipality against the State: Power Relations between State and Local Self-Government Representatives, Based on the Example of Bohemia at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century

88%

Klečacký M.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2020

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tom 121

PL

This paper is a case study of relations between the agents of self-government and the state administration as representatives of the local elite in the milieu of a small town in central Bohemia. Set in the context of the political crisis in the 1890s and at the beginning of the twentieth century, it follows the power relations and the struggle of self-government bodies against the district captain (representing the central government), as well as the efforts of the state to force the local elite to respect the state authority and to arrange for proper operation of the public administration.

12

Volební násilí a státní moc. Obecní volby v Českých Budějovicích 1901–1906

88%

Klečacký M.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2014

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tom 6

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nr 1

82-105

EN

This study focuses on electoral manipulation as exemplified by the municipal elections in České Budějovice. The spotlight is not just on the electoral campaign itself, but also on the reaction of the state authorities to attempts made by the ruling party to influence the number of voters in various ways in order to take control of the town in subsequent electoral periods.

13

Válečné hospodářské centrály - instrument státního intervencionismu : pojem, jeho vymezení a obsah

88%

Sedláček P.

Historica: revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy (Historica: Review in history and related sciences)

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2019

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tom 10

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nr 2

122-139

EN

The study deals with the definition of the term “Kriegswirtschaftszentralen” (“War Economic Headquarters”), as organizations active during the First World War in Cisleithania. It notices the usage of the term “centrála” and “ústředna” respectively in Czech, and “die Zentrale” in German in naming a special type of war economic organizations and mentions its characteristics. It studies the usage of this term in daily press and literature of the period. Furthermore, the article analyses the usage of this term in the works of historians while pointing out the inaccurate and equivocal nature of its contemporary use which leads to many errors and misconceptions. In conclusion, the author of this study proposes a more accurate labelling of war economic organizations in Cisleithania, its individual types, and the definition of the term “Kriegswirtschaftszentralen”

14

The treatment of history in Austrian-Hungarian state primary school textbooks for Bosnia and Herzegovina

88%

Pejić O.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2018

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nr 50

EN

The treatment of history in Austrian-Hungarian state primary school textbooks for Bosnia and HerzegovinaFollowing the Austrian-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the new authorities introduced an interconfessional school system aimed at educating children in the spirit of Bosnian-Herzegovinian provincial and Habsburg civic patriotism. Existing South Slavic textbooks, containing numerous texts that were offensive to Muslims, proved unsuitable for such an undertaking. The goal of this article is to address the treatment of history in the new textbooks written for Bosnia-Herzegovina’s state primary schools, considering both the selection of historical topics and the manner in which historical education was utilized in order to impart desirable loyalties among the students and further the government’s political goals. Besides encouraging the students to identify with the glorious deeds of their medieval forefathers and thus fostering a historically based Bosnian patriotism, the textbooks were written with a clear intent to appeal to the province’s Muslims and, in particular, to their gentry. They implied a clear continuity between Bosnia’s medieval, supposedly Bogomil aristocracy and the contemporary Muslim elites, while also being careful not to address historical topics in a manner that may offend Muslim sensibilities. Lastly, considerable effort was invested into historically justifying contemporary Habsburg rule over Bosnia in Herzegovina and, in a wider sense, teaching the children that a benevolent foreign government may benefit a society suffering from disunity or rebelliousness. Podejście do historii w podręcznikach szkolnych Austro-Węgier dla państwowych szkół podstawowych w Bośni i HercegowinieW następstwie austro-węgierskiej okupacji Bośni i Hercegowiny nowe władze wprowadziły międzywyznaniowy system oświatowy nastawiony na kształcenie dzieci w duchu patriotyzmu prowincjonalnego bośniacko-hercegowińskiego oraz obywatelskiego habsburskiego. Istniejące podręczniki południowosłowiańskie, zawierające liczne teksty, które były obraźliwe dla Muzułmanów, okazały się dla tego przedsięwzięcia nieprzydatne. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu omówienie podejścia do historii w nowych podręcznikach napisanych dla państwowych szkół podstawowych w Bośni i Hercegowinie, biorąc pod uwagę zarówno dobór tematów historycznych jak i to, w jaki sposób edukacja historyczna została wykorzystana dla narzucenia uczniom pożądanych postaw lojalności, a następnie politycznych celów rządu. Oprócz zachęty do tego, by uczniowie identyfikowali się z chwalebnymi czynami ich średniowiecznych przodków, a tym samym zamysłu propagowania historycznie wspartego patriotyzmu bośniackiego, podręczniki te zostały napisane z wyraźną intencją, aby trafiły do zamieszkujących tę prowincję Muzułmanów, zwłaszcza ich szlachty. Implikowały widoczną ciągłość pomiędzy bośniacką średniowieczną arystokracją, zapewne bogomilską, a współczesnymi elitami muzułmańskimi, przy czym starannie unikały odniesienia do tematów historycznych, w sposób który może obrażać wrażliwość Muzułmanów. Wreszcie, z dużym nakładem pracy dążyły do tego, by historycznie uzasadnić ówczesne rządy Habsburgów w Bośni i Hercegowinie oraz, w szerszym sensie, wpoić dzieciom wiedzę o tym, że łagodne obce rządy mogą dobrze przysłużyć się społeczeństwu cierpiącemu na brak jedności i buntowniczemu. [Transl. by Jacek Serwański]

15

Národnostní statistika českých zemí 1880‒1921 – faktory, výsledky a problém jejich interpretace

75%

Kladiwa P.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2015

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tom 23

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nr 2

61-82

EN

Comparing the results of the censuses of the language of daily use in the Bohemian lands before the First World War, and nationality censuses after the First World War, has been a subject of scientific and journalistic interest for almost a century. Until now, Czech historians have considered the results of Cisleithanian censuses to be imprecise and underestimated the Czech language use, while considering the results of nationality censuses in 1921 and 1930 to be exact. This study proves that such judgments are too simplistic, since even subsequent to 1918 state policy significantly affected census results, and furthermore there was a part of the population which could not clearly be fitted into one particular nationality or one language. The study analyses the factors which contributed to the increase in Czech nationality and decline in German and Polish nationality subsequent to 1918. It compares the weight of various factors on a countrywide scale, and also on the scale of different regions and locations.

16

Vzdělávání na cestě z císařství do republiky a Dvůr Králové nad Labem

75%

Rejchrt I.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2021

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tom 29

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nr 2

115-165

EN

Education represents a significant segment of society, surroundings of children’s integration into the Czech national society and also into Austrian country. Therefore, it is necessary to involve it into the general view of reversing the Austro-Hungarian monarchy into the Czechoslovak Republic. The general Czech context is appropriately completed by an example of Dvůr Králové nad Labem – a patriotic Czech town on a language border, which insisted on the development of Czech education. In the years of World War I, war poverty exposed, children grew up without their fathers, education was interrupted even for months because of lack of teachers or fuel. Schools were a tool of Austrian state propaganda. Although the changeover to Czechoslovakia was ostensibly a fundamental change, actually it was a slow process without real sanctions against even the most pro-Austrian active teachers.

17

Česká strana státoprávně pokroková v předvečer první světové války na jaře 1914

75%

Tomeš J.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2014

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tom 22

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nr 1

35-64

EN

The political activities of the Czech Progressive Constitutional Party, largely differing from the major part of the Czech political arena, in the last months before the outbreak of World War I are explained. A description of the Party’s general profile, which continued the tradition of Czech progressionist movement of the 1890s and constituted a specific platform of modern Czech nationalism, is followed by the Party’s foreign political ideas expecting a global Paneuropean military conflict in the near future and relying on it as a way to solve the Czech question, i.e., to restore an independent Czech state based on the Czech historical constitutional right. The author follows and assesses the foreign political activities of the Czech Progressive Constitutional Party in spring 1914 and shows that it was the only party in the Czech political arena that was systematically preparing to the outbreak of a European war and linking the international solution to the Czech question to the Entente Powers, and thus anticipated the ways of anti-Austrian resistance movement during the war.

18

Masarykův přínos ke znalosti národní historie jako konstitutivní hodnoty pro rozvoj demokracie

75%

Neudorflová M. L.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2018

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tom 26

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nr 2

1-25

EN

This essay is to some extent a response to the fact that over recent decades there has been a gross misinterpretation of history in favour of undemocratic aspects of history and the present day, and to the detriment of contextual objectivity including democratising and social national history currents. The self-knowledge of nations as one of the conditions for the progress of democracy is generally endangered. In this regard, the situation is similar to that at the end of the 19th century when Masaryk made the case for a more complete perspective on Czech history, in particular on the periods neglected for political reasons yet important in terms of national self-development, in which efforts at breaking out of destructive oppression and the positive development of the majority and the whole was a significant aspect of Czech history, an aspect fundamentally highly democratising. Since Masaryk’s method of looking at history, looking at the complex democratising initiative from below in an unfavourable political context has lost none of its relevance or power in its lessons today, this essay focuses in particular on these relevant aspects of Masaryk’s acts.

19

The Young Turk Revolution and Austria-Hungary

75%

Kodet R.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2012

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tom 2

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nr 2

41–48

EN

The Young Turk revolution changed considerably the position of the Great Powers in Istanbul. The unexpected turmoil in the Ottoman Empire caused considerable anxiety in the European capitals – especially in Vienna. From the point of view of Austria-Hungary it imperiled the occupation of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Habsburg government. The change of the regime therefore compelled the foreign minister Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal to turn away from the traditional policy of maintaining status quo on the Balkans. However the Austro-Hungarian statesman viewed this situation as an opportunity to a rapprochement with Russia. At the end of summer 1908 he therefore started negotiations with his Russian counterpart Alexander Izvolsky concerning the status of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

20

Securing Own Position: Challenges Faced by Local Elites after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise

75%

Székely T. , Csernus-Lukács S.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2020

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tom 121

PL

The multi-ethnic regions of the Habsburg Monarchy became increasingly perceived as places of instability and insecurity after the rise of competing national movements in the mid-nineteenth century. The antagonism between local national elites culminated after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, as all pursued a course aimed at securing a favourable position. As actors of security, the local elites often and typically declared themselves and their respective nations to be existentially threatened and therefore with a legitimate claim to survive the challenges brought on by modern times. To investigate the security dilemmas of the local elites in two different regions of Austria-Hungary – namely in three city municipalities in Bács-Bodrog county in Southern Hungary; and in Vas, Sopron and Moson counties in western Hungary – this study combines methods of historical discourse analysis with approaches taken from security and nationalism studies as well as regional and local history.