Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

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ARCHIVAL SOURCES OF THE HUNGARIAN INSTITUTE IN JERUSALEM, 1946 – 1948

100%

Szalay G.

Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied

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2021

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tom 24

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nr 3

47 – 61

EN

The aim of this article is to contribute to the presentation of the Hungarian Institute of Jerusalem by analysing records in the Hungarian National Archives. That is the reason why this paper is based on foreign affairs ministry materials found in the Hungarian National Archives. As far as secondary literature is concerned, research work by Attila Novák and József N. Szabó is regarded as unavoidable. However, besides the aforementioned resources, a comprehensive work has not been created on the history of the Hungarian Institute in Jerusalem so far. This article is an attempt to fill this research gap.

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Fauzi al-Kawukdżi i Abd al-Kadir al-Husajni w walce o niepodległość Palestyny

87%

Pogońska-Pol M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2019

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nr 105

195-211

EN

The main of this article is presents actions taken by Fawzi al-Qawuqji and Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni during the so-called civil war in the British mandate of Palestine. The first headed the Arab Liberation Army, created by the League of Arab States. His forces were voluntary, few and weakly armed. The second set up the Holy War Army, which consisted of Palestinian volunteers, constituted forces subordinate to the Husajni family. Both commanders were to prevent the entry into force of the UN resolution on the division of Palestine into two states, and to protect the Arab civilian population. They conducted operations without cooperation, they failed to stop the activities of Jewish settlers and forces.

PL

Artykuł omawia działania podejmowane przez Fauziego al-Kawukdżiego i Abd al-Kadira al-Husajniego w czasie tzw. wojny domowej w brytyjskim Mandacie Palestyny. Pierwszy stał na czele Arabskiej Armii Wyzwolenia, stworzonej przez Ligę Państw Arabskich. Jego siły miały charakter ochotniczy, były nieliczne i słabo uzbrojone. Drugi powołał Armię Świętej Wojny, która składała się z ochotników palestyńskich, stanowiła siły podporządkowane rodzinie Husajnich. Obaj dowódcy mieli za zadanie nie dopuścić do wejścia w życie rezolucji Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych dotyczącej podziału Palestyny na dwa państwa oraz chronić arabską ludność cywilną. Prowadzili działania bez współpracy ze sobą i nie udało im się powstrzymać działań osadników i sił żydowskich.

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Byla normalizace normální?

71%

Fidelius P.

Slovo a smysl - Word & Sense

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2020

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tom 17

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nr 35

19-25

EN

The author focuses on the semantics of the terms ‘normalisation’ and ‘consolidation’. He then expands his initial analysis to the broader historical context in order to understand how these terms came to characterize the tactics and strategies of the communists after 1948. The author emphasizes how the pretence of normalcy was a central strategy of the Communist regime from the very beginning, arguing that the revolution it carried out in February 1948 was no more than a rhetorical one – a ‘rev olution’ in scare quotes. In reality, it was a shrewdly calculated coup that combined a constitutional loophole with the threat of armed violence. Under the effective pretence that they were acting to save an endangered ‘national path to socialism’ on which the country had previously set out in 1945, the Communists were able to take power. Outwardly, everything pointed to a ‘normal’ transition of government, to which end they took great care, at least in the first months, to present President Beneš as symbolically supportive of the transition to the new order. This is also why they did not dissolve institutional structures but instead assimilated them into the National Front, including sev eral non communist parties that would subsequently help them play up the appearance of ‘normal’ constitutional democratic procedure in parliament and the government before the domestic and foreign audience. Similarly, rather than forming extraordinary courts, they simply made use of the ‘normal’ judicial machinery for repressive purposes. The question thus arises whether this masterful simulation of normality was not one of the more important factors (along with the precision targeted repression and corruption of key social groups), which, in the broader strata of society, blunted what little remained of the will to resist, in this way contributing to the stability of the regime in both the post-1948 and post-1968 contexts.

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Jeden den v Bogotě. Devátý duben 1948 v paměti očitých svědků

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Soukup J.

Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century

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2016

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tom 8

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nr 1

179-194

EN

This study analyses the events in Bogotá, Colombia, in April 9, 1948, aÝer the assassination of the popular liberal political leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán. It is based on testimonies and memories of persons present in the Colombian capital on that day. It also pays attention to relationship between Liberal and Conservative Parties and their decision about the future direction of the country. Two centres of power were created in Bogota on that day. First of them was the Central Clinic, where the liberal representatives met to agree on the next steps to be taken against the Conservative government. Presidential Palace, in contrast, became the center of the Conservative Party and then the place of negotiations between the Liberals and the Conservative government. The study further analyzes the confused situation in the streets of Bogotá on that fateful day

CS

Studie analyzuje situaci v kolumbijské Bogotě poté, co zde došlo 9. dubna 1948 k zavraždění populárního liberálního politika Jorgeho Eliécera Gaitána. Činí tak na základě výpovědí a vzpomínek obyvatel hlavního města, přičemž si všímá nervozity, jež byla patrná mezi liberály a konzervativci ohledně dalšího politického směřování země. V tento den se postupně vytvořila dvě centra moci, kde se jednalo o dalším osudu Kolumbie. Prvním z nich byla Ústřední klinika, v níž Gaitán zemřel a kde se setkali liberální představitelé, aby se dohodli na dalším postupu. Prezidentský palác se naopak stal centrem Konzervativní strany a posléze i místem vyjednávání mezi liberály a konzervativní vládou o dalším postupu. Studie dále analyzuje situaci v ulicích města, kde docházelo k násilnostem a rabování.

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Oslavy "Prvního máje" v roce 1948 : interpretativní analýza

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Kubina L.

Theatralia: Revue současného myšlení o divadelní kultuře (Theatralia: The revue of contemporary thought on theatre culture)

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2014

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tom 17

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nr 1

90-116

EN

The study presents an interpretative analysis of the theatrical aspects of the First May celebrations in the Czechoslovakia in 1948, mass event with crucial importance for the Communist regime, which was then only taking over political power in the country. First step of the analysis is an historical overview of the First may celebrations in the world, followed by a description and characterization of the particular elements of the event using poetic tools borrowed from sociology and sociocultural anthropology, especially the methodology of Jeffrey Alexander. The aim of the analysis is to prove the (un)successfulness of the cultural performance, as far as the interests of the Communist regime are concerned.

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Nedáme si diktovat, koho máme milovat(?) : o sletovém průvodu v roce 1948

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Frýbertová T.

Theatralia: Revue současného myšlení o divadelní kultuře (Theatralia: The revue of contemporary thought on theatre culture)

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2014

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tom 17

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nr 1

52-89

EN

Focus of the present study is the Sokol gathering parade in 1948, which became a massive demonstration of disagreement with the on-setting Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Originally meant to be a unity ritual celebrating renewal after the end of WWII, the gathering soon turned into the conflict ritual between democratic and totalitarian part of the Czechoslovak society. The aim of the study, exploring the Sokol gathering on the grounds of cultural performance theory, is to present the parade as a theatrical public event which had particular distinctive features, such as changeability in time, dialogic nature, etc. The author is especially concerned with the ways in which the schedule of the event was being alternated based on the changing socio-political situation; with the means of protesting against the Communist procedure in the parade; and the dialogic nature of the slogans chanted by the participants.