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PL
Theft is one of the oldest and clearly condemned crime in history. It takes a significant part in the crime structure in Poland. Nevertheless, it seems to be a forgotten and uninteresting subject among modern criminological research. In public opinion, theft invariably causes indignation, and the way of punishing thieves is a field of interest for both public opinion and politicians. In  Poland,  theft  is  an  offence  that  can  either  be  prosecuted  as  a  misdemeanor  or  a  crime - it depends on the value of the property stolen. Therefore, legal penalties for crime related to theft may vary considerably. It is precisely this line between misdemeanor and crime that is cur- rently being discussed in Poland. To talk about changes concerning the punishment of thieves, one should first check what is the current state of the criminal policy in this regard. Therefore, I want to present the results of the research, which I carried out at the Institute of Justice in 2017. I examined randomly selected court files of two above mention categories of theft, which ended validly and in which the enforcement proceedings ended in 2016. The research was conducted on 420 cases (including 233 misdemeanor and 187 crime cases). On the basis of the collected material emerges the image of the criminal policy against thieves who stood before the court, which gives the opportunity to consider whether and what changes in the law can be predicted against the perpetrators of the simple theft. Kradzież jest jednym z najstarszych przestępstw znanych w historii. Przy ogólnej tendencji spadku ilości popełnianych przestępstw, kradzieże wciąż stanowią znaczący udział w strukturze polskiej przestępczości. W Polsce kradzież jest czynem, który może być ścigany jako wykroczenie lub jako przestępstwo – zależy to od wartości skradzionej własności. W związku z tym, kary za kradzież mogą się znacznie różnić. Sposób i wysokość tzw. „przepołowienia” kradzieży, czyli granicy od której będzie traktowana jako przestępstwo (i co za tym idzie surowiej karana), jest obecnie przedmiotem dyskusji w Polsce. Aby sprawdzić jak w rzeczywistości wygląda struktura orzekanych kar i za jakie wartości skradzionego mienia sprawcy byli pociągani do odpowiedzialności, przestawiam wyniki badania, które przeprowadziłam w Instytucie Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości w 2017 roku. Przedmiotem analizy były losowo wybrane akta sądowe 420 spraw (w tym 233 spraw wykroczeń i 187 spraw przestępstw), które zakończyły się prawomocnie i w których postępowanie wykonawcze zakończyło się w 2016 r. Na podstawie zebranego materiału wyłania się obraz polityki karnej przeciwko sprawcom kradzieży, którzy stanęli przed polskimi sądami. Artykuł jest rozszerzoną i zmodyfkowaną wersją referatu wygłoszonego na XVIII Konferencji Europejskiego Towarzystwa Kryminologicznego w Sarajewie, która odbyła się w dniach 29 sierpnia 2018 r. - 1 września 2018 r.
EN
Theft is one of the oldest and clearly condemned crime in history. It takes a significant part in the crime structure in Poland. Nevertheless, it seems to be a forgotten and uninteresting subject among modern criminological research. In public opinion, theft invariably causes indignation, and the way of punishing thieves is a field of interest for both public opinion and politicians. In  Poland,  theft  is  an  offence  that  can  either  be  prosecuted  as  a  misdemeanor  or  a  crime - it depends on the value of the property stolen. Therefore, legal penalties for crime related to theft may vary considerably. It is precisely this line between misdemeanor and crime that is cur- rently being discussed in Poland. To talk about changes concerning the punishment of thieves, one should first check what is the current state of the criminal policy in this regard. Therefore, I want to present the results of the research, which I carried out at the Institute of Justice in 2017. I examined randomly selected court files of two above mention categories of theft, which ended validly and in which the enforcement proceedings ended in 2016. The research was conducted on 420 cases (including 233 misdemeanor and 187 crime cases). On the basis of the collected material emerges the image of the criminal policy against thieves who stood before the court, which gives the opportunity to consider whether and what changes in the law can be predicted against the perpetrators of the simple theft.
2
100%
EN
Theft is one of the oldest and clearly condemned crime in history. It takes a significant part in the crime structure in Poland. Nevertheless, it seems to be a forgotten and uninteresting subject among modern criminological research. In public opinion, theft invariably causes indignation,and the way of punishing thieves is a field of interest for both public opinion and politicians.In Poland, theft is an offence that can either be prosecuted as a misdemeanor or a crime –it depends on the value of the property stolen. Therefore, legal penalties for crime related to theft may vary considerably. It is precisely this line between misdemeanor and crime that is currently being discussed in Poland. To talk about changes concerning the punishment of thieves,one should first check what is the current state of the criminal policy in this regard. Therefore, I want to present the results of the research, which I carried out at the Institute of Justice in 2017.I examined randomly selected court files of two above mention categories of theft, which ended validly and in which the enforcement proceedings ended in 2016. The research was conducted on 420 cases (including 233 misdemeanor and 187 crime cases). On the basis of the collected material emerges the image of the criminal policy against thieves who stood before the court,which gives the opportunity to consider whether and what changes in the law can be predicted against the perpetrators of the simple theft.
EN
This article compares the features of contemporary theft and its perpetrators with the characteristics of theft before the transformation in Poland. For this purpose, two studies on theft were compared – one from 2017 and one from 1979. This procedure made it possible to compare the objects of theft, the way it is perpetrated, the characteristics of its perpetrators, and the methods by which it is detected, as well as the punitive measures applied. The material gathered showed both differences and consistencies in the compared cases.
PL
Przedmiotem tekstu jest porównanie współczesnej charakterystyki czynu i sprawców kradzieży z ich obrazem sprzed transformacji w Polsce. W tym celu zestawiono wyniki dwóch badań aktowych spraw sądowych kradzieży – z 2017 r. oraz z 1979 r. Zabieg ten umożliwił porównanie przedmiotu kradzieży, sposobu ich popełnienia, sylwetek sprawców, a także zastosowanych środków reakcji karnej. Zebrany materiał ukazał zarówno zmiany, jak i prawidłowości w porównywanych sprawach.
EN
The article is based on my master’s thesis and addresses the issue of the prisonisation of inmates serving life sentences. Ever since Donald Clemmer introduced the idea of prisonisation, different interpretations of this phenomenon have been proposed. In particular, prisonisation has been described as a negative process, forcing a convict to become a ‘good prisoner’, incapable of fending for him or herself outside the penitentiary walls. According to Clemmer, long-term sentences contribute to a greater degree of prisonisation. Hence life prisoners are doomed to it. Is this a bad thing? In my view, prisonisation cannot be treated as a purely negative phenomenon. Given the unlimited duration of life imprisonment, I decided to formulate my own definition of this concept. By prisonisation I mean a process that the inmate has to face upon entering prison. It is a way of contributing to the conditions found on arrival: the inmate with his or her personality and past experiences plus the prison environment (other inmates and prison staff). Let me emphasise that everyone influences everyone else to some degree in a prison environment. The purpose of the research described in the article was to see how prisoners serving life sentences ‘prisonise’. My division of inmates according to the length of the served sentence was supposed to reflect the meaning of time in their lives – whether the inmates ‘blended into’ the penitentiary system as time went by.I assumed that the way prisoners sentenced to life coped in prison depended on how they assessed their chances of obtaining parole. This is important because looking ahead into the future determines how a convict serves their sentence, i.e. how the process of their prisonisation will unfold. Secondly, I assumed that in the case of ‘life’ prisoners, prisonisation was a desired process. Assuming that such inmates will spend all of their life in prison, it is difficult to conceive of prisonisation not taking place. Moreover, lack of prisonisation would pose a serious difficulty in serving the sentence. Taking into account the time factor in prisonisation, I determined that my research had to reflect the experience of inmates at different stages of their sentences. I divided a group of 15 convicts into five sub-groups of three. I set point ‘zero’ for my calculations at the date of the final judgment condemning each individual to life. Thus emerged a picture of inmates sentenced to life imprisonment across different time windows.I conducted 15 open interviews with inmates serving life sentences using my own questionnaire. I also examined the penitentiary records (part B) of inmates who had agreed to be interviewed. This was necessary in order to reconstruct the inmates’ ‘pre-sentence’ and prison past as well as their present circumstances.Assuming that the actions and behaviour of life prisoners are determined by their perception of how likely they are to be released on parole, I developed the following categories:A. Blending into prison – the inmate puts down roots in prison. He/she feels well as a prisoner and sees no other place for him/herself. B. Sponger – uses his/her time in prison as he/she likes, insofar as possible. Doesn’t want to talk about the future and has no specific view on this matter. Focuses on him/herself in the present; the future will bring what it will.C. Light at the end of the tunnel – the inmate knows that the tunnel he/she is in is very long. This is why he/she realizes that he/she must simply inch through it (or march forward). He/she may make plans or find activities to bide the time. Nevertheless, there is a light at the end of the tunnel – a distant one, but a light nonetheless. D. I’m not here – the prisoner does not agree with the nature of the sentence they are serving or even questions their guilt with regard to the crime. He/she does not accept him/herself in the prisoner role and does not see prison as a place to live. He or she devises plans that help him/her survive, while being in denial of having to spend the rest of his/her life in prison. Clings to the world of freedom and feels him/herself a part of it.The ‘light at the end of the tunnel’ category appeared most frequently (7 out 15 interviewees in every group, i.e. at every stage of their sentence). This shows that at every stage of serving their sentence and regardless of the time they have already spent in prison, inmates want to maintain and nourish the hope that they will one day be free. Of course they adapt to prison life and even become ‘good prisoners’, yet one cannot say unequivocally that prisonisation kills their desire to live beyond the prison walls. Further, I present four important factors related to prisonisation:• Time – when serving an unlimited sentence it is extremely important to be active in prison. It is also interesting how inmates change with the passage of time. • Prison subculture – being part of a subculture is supposed to be a factor that increases prisonisation, but it turned out that the interviewees were not interested in being part of such a group. • The Prison Service and the inmate – the interviewees receive positive assessments and are regularly rewarded by their supervisors. Meanwhile, in the interviews the inmates said that there was no point resisting the Prison Service and that they saw benefits to maintaining good relations with staff.• Contacts with the outside world – the inmates maintain contacts with family through every possible channel – by phone, via visits or letters. Family is important for most of them. Sometimes they also have contacts with new acquaintances from outside the prison. There is no doubt that all of the inmates in the studied group of 15 are ‘prisonised’ in some way. They have adapted to the daily prison schedule and learned the rules. What is important, it is not possible to pigeonhole them depending on the length of their sentence. We would do well to recall Clemmer’s position that the process of prisonisation (and its consequences) depend first and foremost on an individual’s personality. It is therefore extremely important to consider every case in its individuality when reviewing parole applications.
EN
Paper discusses the project „Prisoners extremely long-term sentenced - the right to a second chance” conducted at the Institute of Social Prevention and Resocialization of the University of Warsaw in 2014–2016. The program was targeted at prisoners who were sentenced for 25 years in prison or life imprisonment. On the other hand, it was also aimed at students. They took part in prison workshops organized by the authors of the project. In this way, students had the opportunity to get to know the prison institution and work with prisoners. The implementation of the project clearly showed that cooperation between the academic environment and the Prison Service is not only possible but also very important.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje projekt „Więźniowie skrajnie długoterminowi – prawo do drugiej szansy”, który został zrealizowany przy udziale studentów i absolwentów Instytutu Profilaktyki Społecznej i Resocjalizacji Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego w latach 2014–2016. Projekt był skierowany do więźniów prawomocnie skazanych na karę dożywotniego pozbawienia wolności oraz skazanych na karę 25 lat pozbawienia wolności. Jest to grupa skazanych, dla której oferta Służby Więziennej jest ograniczona. Praca z nimi stanowi pole do podejmowania inicjatyw ze strony osób spoza zakładów karnych. Adresatami projektu byli ponadto studenci IPSiR UW. Udział w projekcie miał im stworzyć możliwość pracy z więźniami oraz wykorzystania wiedzy uzyskanej podczas wykładów i ćwiczeń w praktyce. Projekt składał się z trzech części: fakultetu „Więźniowie dożywotni - prawo do drugiej szansy” realizowanego ze studentami, cyklicznych warsztatów w zakładach karnych oraz pracy korespondencyjnej prowadzonej ze skazanymi uczestniczącymi w programie. Realizacja projektu pokazała wyraźnie, że współpraca między środowiskiem akademickim a Służbą Więzienną nie tylko jest możliwa, ale też bardzo potrzebna. Paper discusses the project „Prisoners extremely long-term sentenced - the right to a second chance” conducted at the Institute of Social Prevention and Resocialization of the University of Warsaw in 2014–2016. The program was targeted at prisoners who were sentenced for 25 years in prison or life imprisonment. On the other hand, it was also aimed at students. They took part in prison workshops organized by the authors of the project. In this way, students had the opportunity to get to know the prison institution and work with prisoners. The implementation of the project clearly showed that cooperation between the academic environment and the Prison Service is not only possible but also very important.
PL
In the article we analysed how the introduction and application of life imprisonment in the period of transformation has impacted the development of the penitentiary system to date. We answered how and why the legislature eliminated the death penalty from the catalogue of penalties in the Polish Penal Code of 1997, and replaced it with life imprisonment. We took into account the statistics on life sentences passed in Poland. We present the evolution of the prison system, which for a quarter of a century had to cope with this difcult category of prisoners by fnding new legal solutions and applying international standards. We also discussed some conclusions of the scholarly study ‘Te best of the worst and the still evil: Prisoners serving life sentences’, which has been conducted since 2014 by our research team. Te study focuses on the management and application of this extreme punishment in Poland, the adaptation of prisoners with life sentences to the isolation and social dimension of imprisonment.   W artykule przeanalizowałyśmy wpływ wprowadzenia i wykonywania kary dożywotniego pozbawienia wolności w okresie transformacji na dotychczasowy rozwój systemu penitencjarnego. Przedstawiłyśmy to, jak i dlaczego ustawodawca usunął karę śmierci z katalogu kar w polskim kodeksie karnym z 1997 r. i zastąpił ją dożywotnim więzieniem. Przedstawiłyśmy analizę statystyki orzekania kary dożywotniego pozbawienia wolności w Polsce od daty jej wprowadzenia. Zaprezentowałyśmy ewolucję systemu więziennictwa, który przez ćwierć wieku musiał poradzić sobie z tą trudną kategorią skazanych poprzez sięganie po nowe rozwiązania prawne i standardy międzynarodowe. Omówiłyśmy także niektóre wnioski z badań naukowych „Najlepsi z najgorszych i źli stale. Więźniowie dożywotni” – prowadzonych od 2014 r. przez nasz zespół badawczy. Badania koncentrują się na zarządzaniu i wykonywaniu tej ekstremalnej kary w Polsce, przystosowaniu więźniów do izolacji i społecznym wymiarze więzienia.
EN
In the article we analysed how the introduction and application of life imprisonment in the period of transformation has impacted the development of the penitentiary system to date. We answered how and why the legislature eliminated the death penalty from the catalogue of penalties in the Polish Penal Code of 1997, and replaced it with life imprisonment. We took into account the statistics on life sentences passed in Poland. We present the evolution of the prison system, which for a quarter of a century had to cope with this difcult category of prisoners by fnding new legal solutions and applying international standards. We also discussed some conclusions of the scholarly study ‘Te best of the worst and the still evil: Prisoners serving life sentences’, which has been conducted since 2014 by our research team. Te study focuses on the management and application of this extreme punishment in Poland, the adaptation of prisoners with life sentences to the isolation and social dimension of imprisonment.
EN
Paper discusses the project „Prisoners extremely long-term sentenced - the right to a second chance” conducted at the Institute of Social Prevention and Resocialization of the University of Warsaw in 2014–2016. The program was targeted at prisoners who were sentenced for 25 years in prison or life imprisonment. On the other hand, it was also aimed at students. They took part in prison workshops organized by the authors of the project. In this way, students had the opportunity to get to know the prison institution and work with prisoners. The implementation of the project clearly showed that cooperation between the academic environment and the Prison Service is not only possible but also very important.
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