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Wieprzowina we wczesnonowożytnej Koronie Polskiej. Mięso lekceważone?

100%

Klonder A.

tom 10

79-115

On the basis of varied sources from the 16th–18th centuries (kitchen and pantry accounts, economic treatises, testaments, probate inventories) and numerous previous studies the author presents the role of pork in Old-Polish cuisine. Pigs were commonly bred in Poland, in the country and in towns, in magnate, gentry and Church estates, by peasants and burghers, for personal consumption or for sale. Nevertheless, the share of pork in overall meat consumption was lower than that of beef. This was conditioned by the attitude of gentry and burgher elites to pork – in those circles pork fat was treated as indispensable for roasting and frying, but pork dishes considered worthy of a noble or royal palate were only roasted piglets, ham, brawn, jellied pig’s feet or sausages with exotic spices. Other dishes, never served during luxurious feasts, such as roasted pork, cabbage or peas with pork fat or fatty meat, were eaten on weekdays, during family meals. Such dishes, as well as soups with pork fat and sausages spiced with garlic or caraway seed, were typical of the diet of plebeians, physical workers, well-off craftsmen and peasants. For poorer peasants and town dwellers, on the other hand, cabbage or dumplings with pork fat or a piece of pork were associated with the festive table. Thus, aside from pork fat, which was generally valued, pork was a food sought by but for economic reasons not easily accessible to plebeians, while nutritious and tasty but not particularly prestigious for the elites, which were major meat consumers. In the 18th c., refined cuisine inspired by French models used only the most exquisite pieces of pork and substituted pork fat with butter. The situation in Poland in this respect was analogous to that in Bohemia and Germany, where in the 18th c. the elites also started to adopt “new French cuisine”, which was gaining popularity throughout Europe.

Na podstawie różnorodnych źródeł z XVI‒XVIII wieku (rachunki kuchenno-spiżarne, traktaty gospodarcze, testamenty, inwentarze spadkowe) oraz licznych wcześniejszych opracowań autor przedstawia rolę wieprzowiny w kuchni staropolskiej. Świnie były powszechnie hodowane w Polsce, na wsi i w miastach, w dobrach magnackich, szlacheckich i kościelnych, przez chłopów i mieszczan, na własny użytek lub na sprzedaż. Niemniej jednak udział wieprzowiny w ogólnym spożyciu mięsa był niższy niż wołowiny. Uwarunkowane to było stosunkiem elit szlacheckich i mieszczańskich do wieprzowiny – w kręgach tych tłuszcz wieprzowy traktowano jako niezbędny do pieczenia i smażenia, ale potrawami wieprzowymi uznawanymi za godne podniebienia szlacheckiego lub królewskiego były jedynie pieczone prosięta, szynka, salceson, galareta wieprzowa (nóżki) czy kiełbaski z egzotycznymi przyprawami. Inne potrawy, nigdy nieserwowane podczas wystawnych uczt, takie jak pieczeń wieprzowa, kapusta czy groch ze słoniną lub tłustym mięsem, jadano w dni powszednie, podczas rodzinnych posiłków. Dania takie, podobnie jak zupy ze słoniną i kiełbaski doprawiane czosnkiem lub kminkiem, były typowe dla diety plebejuszy, robotników fizycznych, zamożnych rzemieślników i chłopów. Z kolei dla biedniejszych chłopów i mieszczan z odświętnym stołem kojarzono kapustę lub pierogi ze słoniną lub kawałek schabu. Tak więc, obok powszechnie cenionej słoniny, wieprzowina była pożywieniem poszukiwanym, ale ze względów ekonomicznych trudno dostępnym dla plebejuszy, natomiast pożywna i smaczna, ale niezbyt prestiżowa dla elit, które były głównymi konsumentami mięsa. W XVIII wieku wyrafinowana kuchnia inspirowana wzorami francuskimi wykorzystywała tylko najbardziej wykwintne kawałki wieprzowiny, a słoninę zastępowała masłem. Sytuacja w Polsce była pod tym względem analogiczna do sytuacji w Czechach i Niemczech, gdzie w XVIII wieku elity zaczęły też przejmować „nową kuchnię francuską”, która zyskiwała popularność w całej Europie.

Koszty pogrzebu w testamentach oraz inwentarzach pośmiertnych mieszczan w dawnej Rzeczypospolitej

100%

Klonder A.

Kwartalnik Historii Kultury Materialnej

2011

tom 59

nr 3-4

414-422

In Poland, as in other European countries, the second half of the 20th c. brought a significant progress in research on the issues of death and funerals. Analyses undertaken concerned last wills and funerals. Funerals were investigated in the aspect of the ceremony itself and of the role of the family and religious and secular institutions (guilds, fraternities, schools, hospitals, parishes) in it. The issue of the cost of such ceremonies, however, was rather marginalised by researchers. The article explores some possibilities of filling this gap with regard to the class of burghers in the 16th-18th c. Much attention is paid to small and medium towns, which were the majority of urban centres in the Crown of Poland. The issue of funeral costs is illustrated with examples from two towns: Wojnicz in Little Poland (c. 2000 inhabitants) and Bydgoszcz in Kuyavia (c. 4000 inhabitants). The sources used include testaments and probate inventories. Some testaments include instructions concerning the place of burial (church or cemetery) and the way of covering funeral costs: either a particular sum is stipulated or, when no cash was available, some property to be sold is mentioned (e.g. some land, a house, livestock, crops, stocks from a craftsman’s workshop). Some probate inventories, on the other hand, specify burial costs. Among the expenses they list elements of the setting (ringing the bells, candles), payment to the participants of the ceremony (e.g. to women who watch over the body, to the priest for a valediction, to the carpenter for the coffin, with the cost of material and labour specified separately, to the gravediggers), payments to institutions (to the parish for the funeral mass, to the guilds and fraternities participating in the ceremony), and finally donations to the poor in cash or in kind (the most common form was to distribute bread vodka or dinner, or finance a bath). The lists of costs presented in the article, although they include many details, usually do not cover all the expenditure; in some cases the sources only mention “other funeral costs” or omit them altogether (those may include buying a burial place at the cemetery or preparing the body for the funeral). Furthermore, funeral costs are appended to the minority of probate inventories available. Only in exceptional complete documentation concerning a person has survived (a testament, a probate inventory and a specification of funeral costs). Due to all those factors, the data cannot be analysed statistically. Since the data on the financial position of the deceased and their families are incomplete we cannot answer intriguing questions about the real burden of funeral costs for burgher families, the average level of costs in particular towns and regions, or their dynamics in the three centuries in question. However, specifications of funeral costs may be highly useful in studying the sources of income of particular groups of town dwellers: the clergy and sextons, craftsmen (carpenters, tailors), gravediggers, students, the poor, etc