Equality among people is treated as a value expressed in the normative language as the principle of the euqality of rights. However, when we interpret the principle of the equality of rights we often tend to indetify it with the principle of the equality towards rights. Thus we loose its broad dimension combining the equality towards rights with the equality of legal protection. The analyses of the phenomenon of discrimination have lost the discrimination due to the criterium of citizenship which is derivative of the legal protection of the basic human rights and basic freedoms in various countries. A "justification" for this differentiation was, among other things, inclusion of humna rights within the exclusive internal competence of the State, or consent to the existence of "divergent conceptions of human rights". A particular example of the territorial breach of the equality of rights was Yaltan Europe. It was the third basket of the Final Act of CSCE that the process of forming a uniform European standard of human rights was initiated. Combining two problems: hukanitarina with security and cooperation created the baiss for the pact agreement. Implementing the third basket (imperative in the system of political norms) did not run a uniform course and underwent "political disturbances". It did initiate the process of unification: first the philosphicla bases of human rights (Madrid); by solidifying the normative regime which was resultant of the transference of norms from the system of political norms to the system of legal norms (Vienna); establishing controling institutions which resluted in a common regime of human rights in the territory of CSCE. Simultaenously there appeared new threats to the individual’s rights connected with the conflicts in this region. In order to prevent them and solve CSCE had to call up institutions and mechanisms of the protection of minorities, local people, migrate workers, refugees and displaced persons (perceiving in the encroachment on their rights the source of tensions and conflicts). They create new spheres of legal activity of institutions and organizations of CSCE and a new stage of the development of the international law (toward the law of humanitarian intervention).
Since Middle Ages, a precondition to set apart any discipline and its transformation from real knowledge-science, i.e. theology to current state of the art, has been fighting the conviction of the science unity particular value, shared by all opponents of isolating new disciplines, who derived their approach from Manichean structure of reality-science. Verifying this approach I evoke various, still parallel experience of unsuccessful defence of the international law unity from the fragmentation of law, and subsequently results of partition of law and international law and its impact on the law coherence (including international law) and the coherence of international turnover legal regulation – the long road from law to domestic and international law, from international law to both European and international law, and at present, to (single) law of the European Area.
The author analyses the North Atlantic Alliance through the prism of community of values as the foundation of the system of collective self-defence. The starting point of the discussion was the construction of a “security community” by the states of the western hemisphere in order to repel the direct existential threat from the USSR. This constructed ‘community’ proved to be an institution capable of transformation – after the end of the ‘Cold War’ – in the face of new security threats. The 21st century has confronted the Allies and NATO with new challenges. These challenges come both from counter-system states – strategic rivals – and from within the Alliance itself, from states rejecting common values. The subjects of an in-depth comparative analysis are: internal challenges, examined in the form of case studies; the “hub and spokes system”, treated as a possible alternative to the Alliance; and NATO’s internal study – a report on challenges and the possibilities of meeting them. The author presents a catalogue of existential internal challenges with which NATO is confronted and the organisation’s search for ways to cope with these challenges. He presents an alternative model of bilateral alliances as a way to ensure security of the western hemisphere in case of NATO’s inability to survive. The aim of the study is to answer the question within the framework of the disjunctive alternative: will it be possible to transform (by the parties to the Washington Treaty) NATO into a community of values? Or will it be necessary to replace NATO with a network of bilateral agreements, that is, to replace the plurilateral institution with structured bilateral cooperation? The study is based on the conclusions of a legal survey of primary sources and representative literature on the subject.
The paper is a critical analysis of the index of norms and mechanisms protecting the collective rights of indigenous peoples established at the United Nations. The norms and mechanisms for the rights of indigenous peoples have been studied from two viewpoints: firstly, through the prism of how the norm of ‘the right to self-determination’ is created and implemented within the framework of international cooperation; and secondly, as collective rights, which are both a form of implementation of the individual human right and its complement. The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples has been analysed with the use of the legal and dogmatic method. The conclusion provides an assessment complemented by de lege ferenda postulates.
The aim of the study is to identify the effects of free trade and investment protection agreements between the EU and Vietnam. We argue that these agreements are part of a broader strategy, pursuing not only economic but also socio-political objectives. They affect relations between the parties, but also have a pluri- or even multilateral dimension.
CEL NAUKOWY: Celem opracowania jest weryfikacja hipotezy, zgodnie z którą spośród gospodarek doganiających względnie lepsze wyniki osiągają gospodarki otwarte, oparte na systemie demokratycznym oraz rynku. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Analizę prowadzimy na przykładzie związków między systemami polityczno-gospodarczymi a możliwościami rozwojowymi Polski, Białorusi i Serbii. Stosujemy podejście interdyscyplinarne, wykorzystując narzędzia należące do instrumentarium nauk ekonomicznych, prawnych i politycznych. PROCES WYWODU: Analizujemy procesy tworzenia systemów politycznych i gospodarczych oraz związki między tymi systemami a możliwościami rozwojowymi państw. Te ostatnie badamy i porównujemy na podstawie podstawowych wskaźników makro- i mikroekonomicznych (PKB, PKB pc, eksportu, sald bilansów handlowych oraz wielkości i charakterystyki napływu BIZ). WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Analizę utrudniają wątpliwości co do wiarygodności danych statystycznych, zwłaszcza dotyczących Białorusi, a także – po części przynajmniej – nierynkowy charakter gospodarki tego państwa. Dodatkowym problemem jest względnie późne powstanie Serbii jako samodzielnego państwa. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Weryfikacja hipotezy o dodatniej korelacji między wprowadzeniem w życie zasad społeczeństwa demokratycznego, państwa prawa i gospodarki rynkowej a sukcesem gospodarczym nie powiodła się. Na podstawie analizy danych makroekonomicznych Polski, Białorusi i Serbii nie potwierdziliśmy hipotezy dotyczącej związku otwartości gospodarki z sukcesem gospodarczym głównie z powodu niedoskonałości dostępnych danych.
8
Dostęp do pełnego tekstu na zewnętrznej witrynie WWW
In this article we search relationship between economic (also political) system and development opportunities of Belarus. We use interdisciplinary approach and analytical tools form economics, law and politics. The economy of Belarus, despite not finished transition, has been developing and strengthening relationships with abroad. However, at least a part of this success is connected with special economic and political ties with Russia.
PL
W tym artykule szukamy związku między systemem polityczno‑gospodarczym a możliwościami rozwojowymi Białorusi. Stosujemy podejście wielo‑ i interdyscyplinarne. Wykorzystujemy metody nauk ekonomicznych, prawnych i politycznych. Gospodarka Białorusi, mimo niedokończonej transformacji, rozwija się i coraz intensywniej wspołpracuje z zagranicą. Jednakże przynajmniej część tego sukcesu gospodarczego związana jest ze specjalnymi powiązaniami gospodarczo‑politycznymi z Rosją.
Celem artykułu jest zbadanie wagi uczestnictwa Polski i Meksyku, a więc państw średniej wielkości w instytucjach mostu atlantyckiego z ich perspektywy. Prowadzimy interdyscyplinarne badanie relacji regionalnych i transregionalnych ugrupowań integracyjnych i sojuszu obronnego. Szukamy odpowiedzi na pytanie o możliwą sytuację geopolityczną i geoekonomiczną Polski i Meksyku w przypadku osłabienia bądź rozpadu UE, NAFTA i NATO. Przedstawiamy dwa skrajne scenariusze skutków Brexitu i wyborczego zwycięstwa D. Trumpa. Według pierwszego UE i NAFTA nie przetrwają. Dla Polski i Meksyku oznaczać to będzie brak zewnętrznego wsparcia dla reform społeczno‑polityczno‑gospodarczych i barier przed destrukcją państwa demokratycznego i wartości liberalnych. W drugim scenariuszu zarówno Brexit, jak i trumpizm są jedynie turbulencjami, po których układ odzyska stabilność. Będzie następować dalsze zmniejszanie różnic rozwojowych między Polską i Meksykiem z jednej strony a państwami UE i NAFTA z drugiej.
EN
The aim of this paper is to examine the importance of the participation of Poland and Mexico, as medium‑sized countries, in institutions of the Atlantic Bridge, viewed from their perspective. We conduct an interdisciplinary study into relationships of regional and transregional integration groupings and defence alliances. We analyse the possible geopolitical and geo‑economic situation of Poland and Mexico in the event of weakening or disintegration of the EU, NAFTA, or NATO. We present two extreme scenarios as possible results of Brexit and the electoral victory of Donald Trump. According to the first scenario, the EU and NAFTA will not survive. For Poland and Mexico this would mean a lack of external support for reforms and of the barriers protecting them from disintegration of their democratic states and liberal values. In the second scenario, both Brexit and Trumpism are seen as only turbulences, after which the systems will regain their stability. In this scenario, there would be a further decrease in the developmental differences between Poland and Mexico on one hand, and the EU and NAFTA on the other.
JavaScript jest wyłączony w Twojej przeglądarce internetowej. Włącz go, a następnie odśwież stronę, aby móc w pełni z niej korzystać.