The article aims to provide an introduction to the understanding of the notion of freedom in the School of Salamanca. This school was active in Spain in sixteenth and seventeenth century. The major figures of the school include Francisco de Vitoria, Domingo de Soto, Martín de Azpilcueta, Francisco de Suárez. Though their members were Dominican or Jesuit theologians, the School of Salamanca has an immense significance not only for theology, but also for political theory. The essay sheds light on one of the important aspects of the school’s thought, i.e. the problem of human freedom. The proper understanding of it presupposes acknowledging the profound difference between our contemporary notion of freedom which is based on the moral agent’s free activity and the notion of freedom developed within the school which conceives the moral agent in its relation to the species nature, i.e. the human nature, as well as in its relation to the Divine grace.
Artykuł omawia problemy związane z przyczynami pojawienia się i procesem kształtowania cesarstwa na Zachodzie, które pojawiło się w 800 r. po Chr., a także stosunek cesarza Karola względem papiestwa. Z uwzględnieniem kontekstów politycznego (problemy królestw i systemu feudalnego) oraz eklezjalnego (Sobór Nicejski II) omawiane są niezwykle istotne i ogólniejsze debaty historyków o koncepcjach monistycznej i dualistycznej określających relacje między papieżami i cesarzami.
EN
The article discusses the problems of determining the starting point of history of the Western Empire in 800 AC and Emperor Charlemagne position towards papacy. In the political (problems with kingship and feudal system) and ecclesiastical (Second Council of Nicaea) contexts are also present very important and more general debates of historians on monistic or dualistic conceptions which form interrelations between popes and emperors.
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In Poland political science has recently been classified as a part of the branch of social sciences. The aim of this paper is not to question the reasons behind such a categorization as the relation of political science (along with such disciplines al legal sciences and sociology) to social sciences is something obvious. However, I claim that it is worthwhile to reassess the arguments that provide for including political science also in the humanities. In addition to the tradition, the solutions adopted by other countries, and the Polish legal experiences, one should take into account an important research conducted by those political scientists who deal with history of political thought and contemporary political philosophy.
Autor zauważa problem częstego dziś upodmiotowienia liberalizmu jako swoistego nośnika racjonalności, przeciwstawianego religii jako jej wcześniejszemu nośnikowi; podmiot ten ma być przy tym racjonalny, ma racjonalność personifikować, wskazywać treść zasad racjonalnych a normatywnych, wiążących wszystkie podmioty. W związku z tym rozstrzygnięciem pozostaje nie tylko atak części autorów liberalnych na dziedzictwo Platona, w którym miała zostać podana treść racjonalności wiążącej każdą jednostkę, ale także ich własna propozycja "nowej racjonalności" czy "rozumności", znoszącej lub poważnie ograniczającej partykularne punkty widzenia. Propozycja ta pozostaje w napięciu z inną, także uznawaną za liberalną, wiodącą do obrony przy pomocy tej normującej racjonalności powszechnej odrębności rozstrzygnięć wskazywanych przez poszczególne jednostki.
EN
On the Dubiousness of (Some) Liberal Attempts to Establish Universally Significant "Principles of the Rationality of Interaction" The author observes the currently common problem of subjectivization of liberalism as a specific carrier of rationality, set against religion understood as its previous carrier; such a subject is also to be rational, it is to personify rationality, and to indicate the substance of rational as well as normative principles that bind all subjects together. Such a solution remains in agreement not only with the attack of some liberal authors on Plato's legacy, which delivers the substance of rationality binding every individual, but also their own proposition of "new rationality" or "reason" that would overrule or considerably limit particularistic points of view. This proposition clashes with another, also recognized as liberal, which by means of this normative rationality leads to the defence of the universal autonomy of solutions indicated by respective individuals.
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