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Party system and media in Poland after 1989

100%

Sula P.

Central European Journal of Communication

2008

tom 1

nr 1

145-155

The importance of the media for the party system formation in Poland in the transforma- tion is unarguable. This signifi cance resulted from the lack of developed party structures that could be involved in process of communication between party elites and electorate. Hence, media became the only possible instrument that might have been used in arousing electorate’s interest. However, the interdependence between party system and media means also that the parties had their influence on the legal framework of the media and sometimes ideological profile as well.

Czy przegrany traci wszystko? Partie małe we współczesnych demokracjach

100%

Sula P.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

2011

tom 12

39-47

Small parties can be recognized as very interesting phenomena of modern democracy. Nevertheless, they are often ignored by political scientists. Such approach may be recognized as quite reasonable because in most cases only the winners obtain influence on the decision-making process. This monopoly makes them naturally interesting for analysts. However, much scientific interest is attracted by green and radical parties that might certainly be treated as small ones. In this context the problem of defining ‘smallness’ becomes one of the greatest importance. Hitherto some research concerning small parties in Western Europe were conducted. Notwithstanding there were no such efforts made in Eastern European countries. It means that searching for the conceptualization of the ‘smallness’ in this region is still a challenging task. Moreover, small parties have a great impact on structure of competition in Eastern Europe as party systems of the region are in many cases much more fragmented than in Western European countries.

In the shadow of plagues: 2020 presidential elections in Poland

51%

Sula P. , Madej M. , Błaszczyński K.

Przegląd Politologiczny

2021

nr 2

27-45

Wybory prezydenckie w Polsce zawsze przyciągały więcej wyborców niż parlamentarne. Pomimo pandemii COVID-19 frekwencja w 2020 r. była niemal najwyższa od 1989 r. Może się wydawać, że wyborcy zwyczajnie skorzystali z okazji, żeby wyjść z domu, ponieważ restrykcje wprowadzone z powodu pandemii znacznie ograniczyły swobodę poruszania się. Paradoksalnie, bardziej prawdopodobne może być jednak wyjaśnienie, że zwiększone zainteresowanie wyborców wynikało z postępującej autokratyzacji systemu – kolejnego wyzwania, z jakim Polacy mierzą się od 2015 r. Wybory zakończyły się reelekcją Andrzeja Dudy, który zawdzięczał swe zwycięstwo między innymi poparciu wśród słabiej wykształconych i starszych mieszkańców obszarów wiejskich. W rezultacie rządząca partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, która wsparła Dudę w kampanii wyborczej, ponownie zdołała uniknąć problemów wynikających z kohabitacji.

Presidential elections in Poland have always drawn more voters to the ballot box than parliamentary ones. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic, the turnout in the 2020 presidential elections was the second-highest since 1989. The glib answer might be that voters were simply availing themselves of the opportunity to leave the house, however briefly, since COVID-19 measures had largely confined people to their homes for most of the year. More likely, albeit paradoxically, heightened voter interest was triggered by political autocratisation, the other plague that Poles have been struggling with, in this case since 2015. The election was won by the incumbent, Andrzej Duda, whose advantage was credited to his appeal among less-educated and older people living in rural areas. In the end, the governing Law and Justice (PiS) party, which had backed Duda’s campaign, managed to avoid cohabitation-related inconvenience for the second time.