Growing research has been focused at uneven willingness of governments to conform to the tenets of global economic competition promulgated by the international agencies such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. There is also increasing interest in the developments of the new members of the European Union, including Slovakia. This study attempts to develop those explanations of the Slovak reform trail-blazing that emphasize the lack of capacity to translate social discontent into credible political opposition. It examines the issue of availability of the symbolic resources for opposing the politics of the retrenching citizens' social rights in Slovakia from historical and critical discourse perspective. First, critical discourse analysis (CDA) is introduced as apposite approach to the study of a transfer of the political ideas. Its analytical power is demonstrated on the CDA studies of the dynamic of welfare discourse in the United Kingdom and other countries. Secondly, the study presents preliminary analysis of the development of Slovak domestic academic and political discourse on social welfare and the social rights. Its main point is that the Slovak welfare reforms were backed up by the borrowed phrasal idioms and the exploited metaphors that had been already doubted as the only alternative by 'Western' academic community. Though the fermentation of social-critical discourse in Slovakia could have been facilitated by this dethronisation, accumulated supplies of arguments were not drawn by the Slovak academicians. Further research is necessary to explain why the Slovak academicians did not attempt to defend the social rights but rather rendered them as the hindrance for the development of democracy.
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The article explores self-representation as an interaction duty of potential interaction partner to suggest his or her trustworthiness (Goffman 1959). It analyses the process of representation of personal virtues on the example of actors of special sort - six the most successful candidates in the first round of the 2004 Slovak presidential campaign - and in a special interaction space - on spacious billboards used in the campaign. Organization of the visual and textual ways of the representation of fiduciary virtues (Barber 1983, Luhmann 2000) is analysed with use of the conceptual framework in which the author tries to link the term of face-work and team-work (Goffman 1959, 1967), dialogical self (Bachtin 1988), multi-voice self (Hermans 1996), positioning (Davies & Harré 1990) and priming (Iyengar - Kinder 1987) to promote a dynamic perspective on self-presentation and to explore the textual and visual means/forms of self-representation. After introducing the analytical frame, the paper continues with the debating the problems of the self-presentation and articulating representative or 'presidential' virtues to a general public (Druckman 2004). The presidential billboard case study focuses especially on a) how the personal reliability is demonstrated, b) how virtues are objectified and c) how diverging candidate's loyalties are managed. It is argued that the analysis of visual form of self-representation suggests more clearly that the self-representation is organized as the orchestration of numerous human and non-human voices, including a voice of silence.
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