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Content available El Mozote – salwadorskie My Lai
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tom R. X cz. II
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PL
Rozpad Bloku Wschodniego na przełomie lat 80. i 90. XX wieku oznaczał koniec rywalizacji dwóch supermocarstw USA i ZSRR. Wraz z nią wygasło większość regionalnych i lokalnych konfliktów, których belligerenci byli wspierani przez powyższe państwa. Jednym z nich była wojna domowa w Salwadorze, toczona pomiędzy siłami rządowymi a lewicową partyzantką. W jej trakcie łamano wszelkie unormowania zawarte w międzynarodowym prawie humanitarnym konfliktów zbrojnych. Na początku grudnia 1981 r. doszło do jednej z najbardziej przerażających i najbrutalniejszych masakr w minionym stuleciu. Szkolony i wyposażony przez Amerykanów specjalny batalion Atlacatl wymordował w ciągu trzech dni około 1000 mieszkańców miejscowości El Mozote i okolicznych osad, podejrzewając ich o współpracę z partyzantką. Do chwili obecnej zarówno zleceniodawcy, jak i wykonawcy tej masakry nie stanęli przed wymiarem sprawiedliwości.
EN
The collapse of the Eastern Bloc in the late 80s marked the end of the Cold War. Along with it finished majority of regional and local conflicts , which were supported by the USA and USSR . One of them was civil war in El Salvador (1980- 1992) . The two primary actors in this war were a Marxist-Leninist guerrilla group, called the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), and the government of El Salvador. The FMLN was supported by the Nicaraguan, Cuban, and Soviet governments. El Salvador's government, which was backed politically, economically and militarily by the United States. Salvadoran armed forces were responsible for the majority of human rights violations committed during the conflict. In December 1981 selected soldiers of the Salvadoran Army's, American-trained Atlacatl Battalion entered the villages of El Mozote, El Mozote, La Joya, Rancheria, Los Toriles , Jacote Amarillo and Cerro Pando,where they have murdered about 1000 of men, women, and children, often by decapitation. Untill these days, the crime remain unpunished.
PL
W artykule wskazano na podstawy prawne kwalifikacji zbrodni katyńskiej w kategoriach ludobójstwa (genocide), polemicznie odnosząc się do argumentów wysuwanych przez Federację Rosyjską, która konsekwentnie neguje zasadność traktowania mordu dokonanego na mocy decyzji Politbiura KC WKP(b) z 5 III 1940 r. jako zbrodni nieulegającej przedawnieniu.The article indicates the legal basis for qualification of the Katyn Massacre in the category of genocide. Polemicising with the arguments put forward by the Russian Federation which persistently negates the validity of regarding the massacre perpetrated under the order of the Politbiuro of the Bolshevik Party Central Committee issued on 5 March 1940 as a non-expiring crime against humanity.
EN
The 20th century was an age of extremes. In this article I concentrate on two disasters, the Holocaust and Hiroshima, in order to develop a philosophical reading of moral extremes under circumstances of war. My aim is to differentiate between these two events by exposing a normative framework. The significance of the Holocaust points to the phaenomenon of a rupture of species, which stands for a moral transgression never thought of. In analytical terms, this confronts us with the clashing of two normative orders: Firstly, the universal moral respect of every human being; secondly, the radical particularism of Nazism. To denounce the moral otherness of the latter is to highlight the war aims of Nazism: imperial aggression to dominate Europe, and annihilation of the Jews as a world-historical mission. In view of both aims, war against Nazism was just. The moral disaster of Hiroshima, however, stands in marked contrast to this characterization. The political leaders of the US did not intend to annihilate the Japanese people; they thought they would end war by making use of a nuclear weapon. It is, therefore, a misleading metaphor to speak of a “nuclear holocaust”, or to allude to a genocidal action in this case. This does not mean at all that dropping the bomb was justified. Quite contrary to the US official stance, it is important to consider this event in moral terms by relying on precise historical circumstances and well-founded critical analysis. There is strong evidence that it was a moral failure to opt for the bomb. This comes close to the diagnosis of a war crime within a just war framework. Nevertheless, this diagnosis must be kept distinct from the type of crime involved in the Holocaust.
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Acts of mass killing committed against the Kurdish population during the so-called al-Anfal operation in 1988 constituted - even if one assumes the lowest number of estimated victims, i.e. that only 50-100 thousand people were murdered - a case of genocide understood in international law as actions undertaken with the intention to destroy a certain group in its entirety or in part. It was ordered that following interrogations all males at the age ranking between 15 and 70 were to be executed in the al-Anfal operation area. The al-Anfal crimes were deemed an act of genocide at the perpetrators' trials, first of all that of Ali Hassan al-Majid (nicknamed Chemical Ali), and in resolutions as well as declarations adopted in several countries. The use of chemical weaponry against the Kurdish population can be perceived either as an element of the crime of genocide or as an act of war crime. In 1988, Iraq was a stateparty both to the 1925 Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, and the 1958 Forth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. The latter treaty provides for rules applicable to internal arm conflicts (Article 3). But irrespective of the relevant treaty law, the use of chemical weapon was considered, at the time of al-Anfal operation, as contrary to universally binding international customary law. This prohibition applied to armed conflicts of both international and internal character.
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Content available remote Prawnokarne wyzwania międzynarodowych operacji wojskowych
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PL
Autor postuluje wprowadzenie trzech zmian w przepisach kształtujących zasady indywidualnej odpowiedzialności karnej żołnierzy uczestniczących w operacjach militarnych poza granicami państwa. Po pierwsze, wskazuje na potrzebę wyraźnego określenia czynności sprawczych przepisów kryminalizujących w polskim prawie zbrodnie wojenne. Po drugie, uzasadnia konieczność wprowadzenia wyraźnego uprawnienia przełożonych wojskowych do zastosowania broni wobec podwładnych w celu wymuszenia posłuszeństwa w sytuacjach bojowych. Po trzecie, wskazuje na zagrożenia wynikające z braku karalności niesubordynacji w relacjach z żołnierzami armii sojuszniczych.
EN
The author suggests the introduction of three changes in regulations shaping the rules of individual penal responsibility of soldiers participating in military operations outside state borders. First, he indicates the need to clearly define causative activities of the regulations criminalizing war crimes in Polish law. Second, he justifies the necessity to introduce clear authorization for military superiors to use their guns against their subordinates in order to enforce obedience in combat situations. Third, he indicates threats stemming from the lack of penalty for insubordination in relations with allied army soldiers.
PL
Artykuł traktuje o jednym z epizodów walk Armii „Kraków” we wrześniu 1939 r. Wojska agresora popełniały na ziemiach polskich liczne zbrodnie wojenne, ale rażącego złamania prawa wojennego dopuściła się także strona polska. Artykuł prezentuje jeden taki dobrze udokumentowany przypadek - małopolskiego miasteczka Stopnica. The article deals with one of the episodes of the fight put up by the „Kraków” Army in September 1939. The German troops committed many war crimes in the Polish lands, but also the Polish side was responsible for gross violations of martial law. The article presents one of such cases - a well-documented case of the town of Stopnica in Little Poland.
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Content available War and the problem of personal responsibility
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EN
In this article, the author addresses the question whether individual citizens are responsible for the aggressive policy of their national leader by comparing the views of Hannah Arendt, Michael Walzer and Jeff McMahan on the problem of personal responsibility. The author agrees with Arendt and McMahan that responsibility presupposes thinking. Taking into account a number of arguments, the author claims that responsibility should be interpreted as a collective duty. Guilt, however, is found at the individual level. A person may be guilty for his own decisions and be responsible for the decisions of the government, but he could not be condemned for the crimes of the latter. In conclusion, the author claims that this idea applies at the international level as well, because states are collectively responsible for maintaining justice and peace in the world.
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Content available remote Katyń : czas na przebaczenie
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Content available Ochrona ludności cywilnej w konfliktach zbrojnych
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Content available remote Międzynarodowe konflikty zbrojne a polskie prawo wewnętrzne
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