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EN
This article addresses the question of the obligations of both the Security Council as such, as well of its individual members (including the five permanent members), when faced with genocide or in situations where violations of the Geneva Conventions are being committed, given that the contracting parties of the Genocide Convention are under a positive obligation to prevent genocide and are under an obligation to secure respect for the provisions of the Geneva Conventions.
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Content available remote The African contribution to the penalization of war crimes of sexual nature
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EN
Rape and other forms of sexual violence have been inseparably linked with the ongoing military conflicts. Despite the condemnation of war rape in modern times, its penalization arrived extraordinarily slowly. The last twenty years brought about a huge progress in the approach to the penalization of international crimes of sexual nature, which was developed in a hitherto unprecedented range in the jurisprudence of the international criminal tribunals, especially in Africa. The aim of this article is to present the cases of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) which had a significant influence on the penalization of war crimes of sexual nature in the Statute of the International Criminal Court and two trials of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL), concerning the penalization of forced marriage. It shows how the African juridical traditions contributed to the problem of the penalization of sexual war crimes.
EN
Autonomous weapons systems (AWS) are one of the emerging modern military technologies that are attracting more and more attention of the international community. While they raise a lot of questions with respect to various fields of law, the biggest worry is that there will be no accountability for their wrongful use. This article focuses on the individual criminal responsibility for war crimes committed with the use of AWS. Four modes of responsibility, which could be potentially applied to AWS-related war crimes, are considered in turn with the aim of ascertaining, whether the current rules of international criminal law provide sufficient basis to assign responsibility for these crimes.
EN
The 20th century was an age of extremes. In this article I concentrate on two disasters, the Holocaust and Hiroshima, in order to develop a philosophical reading of moral extremes under circumstances of war. My aim is to differentiate between these two events by exposing a normative framework. The significance of the Holocaust points to the phaenomenon of a rupture of species, which stands for a moral transgression never thought of. In analytical terms, this confronts us with the clashing of two normative orders: Firstly, the universal moral respect of every human being; secondly, the radical particularism of Nazism. To denounce the moral otherness of the latter is to highlight the war aims of Nazism: imperial aggression to dominate Europe, and annihilation of the Jews as a world-historical mission. In view of both aims, war against Nazism was just. The moral disaster of Hiroshima, however, stands in marked contrast to this characterization. The political leaders of the US did not intend to annihilate the Japanese people; they thought they would end war by making use of a nuclear weapon. It is, therefore, a misleading metaphor to speak of a “nuclear holocaust”, or to allude to a genocidal action in this case. This does not mean at all that dropping the bomb was justified. Quite contrary to the US official stance, it is important to consider this event in moral terms by relying on precise historical circumstances and well-founded critical analysis. There is strong evidence that it was a moral failure to opt for the bomb. This comes close to the diagnosis of a war crime within a just war framework. Nevertheless, this diagnosis must be kept distinct from the type of crime involved in the Holocaust.
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In March 2012 the ICC delivered its first and long-awaited judgment in Prosecutor v Lubanga. Trial Chamber I found Thomas Lubanga guilty as co-perpetrator of the war crimes of conscripting and enlisting children into the armed forces. The guilty verdict was followed by a reparations decision on 7 August 2012. This article examines the extent to which the ICC has successfully fulfilled its mandate to formulate reparations principles. The position of reparations within international law generally is discussed. This is followed by an explanation of how the ICC reparation regime functions. The bifurcated reparations mandate of the ICC is also explained. The focus of the article is on a critical assessment of the Lubanga reparations decision. The Court’s treatment of the harm requirement and the requirement of causation is examined. It is argued that the Court’s failure to clarify the requirements of “harm” and “causation” meant that it did not fulfil its mandate to formulate reparations principles.
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Acts of mass killing committed against the Kurdish population during the so-called al-Anfal operation in 1988 constituted - even if one assumes the lowest number of estimated victims, i.e. that only 50-100 thousand people were murdered - a case of genocide understood in international law as actions undertaken with the intention to destroy a certain group in its entirety or in part. It was ordered that following interrogations all males at the age ranking between 15 and 70 were to be executed in the al-Anfal operation area. The al-Anfal crimes were deemed an act of genocide at the perpetrators' trials, first of all that of Ali Hassan al-Majid (nicknamed Chemical Ali), and in resolutions as well as declarations adopted in several countries. The use of chemical weaponry against the Kurdish population can be perceived either as an element of the crime of genocide or as an act of war crime. In 1988, Iraq was a stateparty both to the 1925 Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare, and the 1958 Forth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. The latter treaty provides for rules applicable to internal arm conflicts (Article 3). But irrespective of the relevant treaty law, the use of chemical weapon was considered, at the time of al-Anfal operation, as contrary to universally binding international customary law. This prohibition applied to armed conflicts of both international and internal character.
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Content available remote Prawnokarne wyzwania międzynarodowych operacji wojskowych
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Autor postuluje wprowadzenie trzech zmian w przepisach kształtujących zasady indywidualnej odpowiedzialności karnej żołnierzy uczestniczących w operacjach militarnych poza granicami państwa. Po pierwsze, wskazuje na potrzebę wyraźnego określenia czynności sprawczych przepisów kryminalizujących w polskim prawie zbrodnie wojenne. Po drugie, uzasadnia konieczność wprowadzenia wyraźnego uprawnienia przełożonych wojskowych do zastosowania broni wobec podwładnych w celu wymuszenia posłuszeństwa w sytuacjach bojowych. Po trzecie, wskazuje na zagrożenia wynikające z braku karalności niesubordynacji w relacjach z żołnierzami armii sojuszniczych.
EN
The author suggests the introduction of three changes in regulations shaping the rules of individual penal responsibility of soldiers participating in military operations outside state borders. First, he indicates the need to clearly define causative activities of the regulations criminalizing war crimes in Polish law. Second, he justifies the necessity to introduce clear authorization for military superiors to use their guns against their subordinates in order to enforce obedience in combat situations. Third, he indicates threats stemming from the lack of penalty for insubordination in relations with allied army soldiers.
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Content available JEŃCY WOJENNI W KONFLIKCIE NA WSCHODZIE UKRAINY
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PL
Już od najdawniejszych czasów odróżniano sprawiedliwość wojny ius ad bellum, od sprawiedliwości na wojnie ius in bello. Intencją ius ad bellum jest ocena i prawna analiza agresji i obrony na tą agresję. Z kolei ius in bello wymaga od nas osądów na temat poszanowania lub naruszania zwyczajów i przyjętych reguł walki. Od żołnierzy stron biorących udział w konflikcie zbrojnym wymaga się wzajemnego szacunku i uznania. Prawa, obowiązki i sposób traktowania uczestników konfliktów zbrojnych są zawarte w Konwencjach genewskich z 1949 roku oraz Protokołach Dodatkowych I i II do tych Konwencji. Jednak często się zdarza, że te zasady „kodeksu wojskowego” są nieprzestrzegane przez walczące strony. Podobne przypadki miały miejsce w trakcie konfliktu na wschodzie Ukrainy. W artykule Autor starał się przedstawić, jak przez dowództwo ukraińskie oraz separatystów są traktowani żołnierze (bojownicy), którzy w trakcie walk dostali się w ręce strony przeciwnej. Ponadto zwrócił uwagę, że nadal znaczna część uczestników konfliktów zbrojnych nie wykazuje wrażliwości na ograniczenia zawarte w konwencjach genewskich.
EN
Since the immemorial the ideas of a right to war (jus ad bellum) has been differentiated from rights in war (jus in bello). The intent behind the former is the evaluation and legal analysis of aggression and response to it. On the other hand, the latter requires judgments on respecting or violating customs and adopted code of conduct in war. Mutual respect and recognition are required from soldiers participating in an armed conflict. The rights, obligations and treatment of participants in armed conflicts are enshrined in 1949 Geneva Conventions and their two additional Protocols. Still, it happens often that the ‘military code’ is not observed by the belligerents. It has happened in the conflict in eastern Ukraine. In the article the author has attempted to present how the Ukrainian command and the separatists treat soldiers and other combatants who have been taken prisoners during the fighting. In addition, he has put emphasis on the fact that that a significant part of participants in armed conflicts does not show responsiveness to limitations envisaged by the Geneva Conventions.
PL
Artykuł traktuje o jednym z epizodów walk Armii „Kraków” we wrześniu 1939 r. Wojska agresora popełniały na ziemiach polskich liczne zbrodnie wojenne, ale rażącego złamania prawa wojennego dopuściła się także strona polska. Artykuł prezentuje jeden taki dobrze udokumentowany przypadek - małopolskiego miasteczka Stopnica. The article deals with one of the episodes of the fight put up by the „Kraków” Army in September 1939. The German troops committed many war crimes in the Polish lands, but also the Polish side was responsible for gross violations of martial law. The article presents one of such cases - a well-documented case of the town of Stopnica in Little Poland.
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Content available War and the problem of personal responsibility
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EN
In this article, the author addresses the question whether individual citizens are responsible for the aggressive policy of their national leader by comparing the views of Hannah Arendt, Michael Walzer and Jeff McMahan on the problem of personal responsibility. The author agrees with Arendt and McMahan that responsibility presupposes thinking. Taking into account a number of arguments, the author claims that responsibility should be interpreted as a collective duty. Guilt, however, is found at the individual level. A person may be guilty for his own decisions and be responsible for the decisions of the government, but he could not be condemned for the crimes of the latter. In conclusion, the author claims that this idea applies at the international level as well, because states are collectively responsible for maintaining justice and peace in the world.
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Content available Ochrona ludności cywilnej w konfliktach zbrojnych
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Content available remote Międzynarodowe konflikty zbrojne a polskie prawo wewnętrzne
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