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1
Content available Regime change and the future of popular sovereignty
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EN
Today the notion of popular sovereignty is seen as the standard of political legitimation. However, there is an important theoretical discussion to be had about the helpfulness of this notion since it is not clear who constitutes the ‘people’ or whether ‘the people’ possess the necessary agency in order to enact sovereignty. This discussion takes on practical interest in light of recent popular struggles for democracy, as evidenced by the Arab Spring of 2010-12 as well as the uprisings in Syria. This paper seeks to discover how far these popular revolutions of the early 21st century can be understood as conforming to or diverging from the liberal notion of popular sovereignty derived from the dominant social contract model.
EN
The purpose of this paper was to specify what is the share of narrowly understood micro-ideology in the political thought of Law and Justice. Embarking on the analysis of the above-stated problem, we first and foremost fixed particular methodological assumption. As a point of departure for our analysis we adopted the conception of the ideological morphology by Michael Freeden. In line with it, we assumed that ideologies are not fully distinct entities but they interact with one another. They are also partly overlapping and thus they share some contiguous points. In accordance with the concept of populism, as worked out within our framework, we focused our attention on the problematics of elites and the people. As conceived of by Law and Justice, elites did not discharge their duties, alienating themselves from the society and caring mainly about their own socio-economic interest. Furthermore, the critique of elites was mainly related to their non-democratic genesis and artificially created putative “super-expertise”.Eventually, we proved that populism may be regarded as one of the phenomena characterizing the political thought of Law and Justice.
3
Content available Chernobyl Liquidators - the people and the doses
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EN
The clean-up operations following the Chernobyl accident were arguably the greatest in the history of mankind. This paper is not intended to give a comprehensive review of the Chernobyl related research, we present only a review of the scientific literature available till now about the “liquidators”, i.e. people who performed the task of decontamination work near the damaged Chernobyl nuclear power plant. Most of the approximately 300,000 liquidators who took part in the mitigation of the local consequences of the Chernobyl accident between 1986 and 1989 received only low radiation doses which are comparable or lower than those documented in nuclear worker registries. The health consequences from these radiation doses are too small to be identifiable in any epidemiological study that does not target specific sub-groups with potentially higher exposure. From our review of the published literature, several criteria are derived which could be used to identify potentially suitable sub-populations; in particular, among those being the liquidators who participated in the clean-up work during in 1986, including CNPP staff, special groups such as the “sarcophagus workers” (39), helicopter crews (3, 48), liquidators from the Institute of Biophysics who had participated in clean-up work in Chernobyl (12, 20), the Samoilenko group (12), sarcophagus builders (12) and groups other that the aforementioned.
EN
Democracy is currently influenced by the fluxes of information, digitalization, big data analyses and information, as power in general, but also as the power of control over the people. Existing as a double of “the people,” the reality of the virtual demos influences the realities of democracy. Political communication gains a strength online, where both the leaders and the citizens express positions, interpretations and opinions on the state of affairs. The present time is more than ever before the preferred political time. Comfort and relative laziness characterizing the times are consonant with virtual demos and digital democracy, with positive and negative aspects. The civic actions pursuing the good and generous causes animating public interest are among the main positive aspects of virtual demos and digital democracy. The paper aims to identify, describe and assess the main implications of these political virtual actions, attitudes and the participation of the virtual demos in emerging digital democracy.
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2023
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tom 67
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nr 3-4
85-99
EN
The article presents the political potential of the narration about the peasants’ experience in contemporary Polish populist movements. The analysis concentrates on the narrative spectacle Historia Jakubowa. Opowieść chłopska i babska by Małgorzata Litwinowicz, which was shown for the first time in 2020, during the Black Protests. The aim of the article is to demonstrate that the story about the peasant resistance is used in Polish culture to construct “the people” as a political agent. This happens only if the medium of the piece of art is the voice. The reason why this correlation occurs is that the embodied voice has a greater capacity for affective impact, and as such it has a powerful influence on the audience, which leads to the building of a common identification – and a community.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje refleksję na temat politycznego potencjału narracji o wiejskim doświadczeniu w kontekście współczesnych ruchów populistycznych na przykładzie widowiska Historia Jakubowa. Opowieść chłopska i babska Małgorzaty Litwinowicz, który miał premierę w 2020, równolegle z trwającymi Czarnymi Protestami. Analiza tego spektaklu pozwala postawić tezę, że dzięki afektywnemu oddziaływaniu opowieść o chłopskim oporze służy we współczesnej kulturze formowaniu nieliberalnej kategorii ludu jako podmiotu działań politycznych w tych projektach, które mają charakter przynajmniej w części audialny. Wybór głosu jako medium dla sztuki próbującej wyrazić ludowy gniew i jego siłę transformacyjną wobec porządku społecznego jest uzasadniony jego większą zdolnością do afektywnego oddziaływania – a przez to do budowania identyfikacji grupy, a następnie wspólnoty społecznej.
EN
The article concentrates on the lofty representation of the protagonist of the collection of lyrical works. "Pieśni o księciu Józefie" make a reference, in their historical and axiological aspects, to the biography by Szymon Askenazy, "Książę Józef Poniatowski 1763-1813" [Prince Józef Poniatowski 1763-1813]. That biography presents the central figure as an exemplary patriot and citizen, who does not hesitate to give his life for the fatherland. The poet, however, goes much further than Askenazy in elevating his hero, as he sacralises the figure of prince Poniatowski by making him the main martyr of the national cause, who pleads for Poland with God.
7
Content available The State and the People: Relations Old and New
63%
EN
This article strives to assess the condition of the contemporary state. The author thinks that the contemporary state is more powerful than ever in history and that this power is strongly rooted in the wants of its citizens. The recent global economic crisis has legitimized the state even further. Although the contemporary state is increasingly polycentric and its structures are less and less hierarchic and transparent, the identity and integration of the political system are not in danger. The state’s immense power is a serious threat to its citizens and to democracy. The processes of nationalization of societies are stronger than the processes of socialization of states. Hence one of the (widely understood) key problems of theWest is how to preserve citizen autonomy. This autonomy is being increasingly threatened by various state agencies and the welfare state’s typical clientism, which try to control each and every citizen. The usual response to this danger is to call for limitation of the state’s role, for a minimal state, etc. This author thinks that such postulates are unrealistic, because citizens want the state to be a welfare state and because such a state is functional for democracy. The best response to the threat to individual autonomy and to democracy is the republican response: only the politically mobilized people can maintain an elementary level of state socialization and an essential degree of state segmentation, both of which create the necessary space for individual freedom.
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