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nr 1(13)
36-45 (10)
EN
The aim of the above-mentioned analysis was a statement whether and how legal acts concerning gender equality, written in Electoral code (adopted by the Sejm of the Republic of Poland on 5th January 2011), support women in the political sphere. In the first part of the article the origins of the introduction of quota solutions in Poland are outlined and their full text is presented. The next part of the article shows the influence of the adopted regulations on the results of the 2011 elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland and the European Parliament. The summary presents the most important conclusions. The article also proves the thesis that the quota system led to a significant growth in the number of women standing as a candidate in elections. However, it failed to have such an impact on the number of women elected to representative bodies. It led to the conclusion that despite the legal validation of electoral quotas, there are many factors which can increase women’s political subjectivity, e.g. a place given on electoral register or their electoral constituency. This situation explains the purpose of the supplementing of the quota mecha-nism by a zipping system, which means the alternate order of women and men can-didates on electoral list and makes it difficult to fill compulsory quotas with a signif-icant number of women in an electoral constituency in which a given party has in-sufficient support.
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2019
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nr 4(153)
49–69
EN
The article discusses the issue of using religious arguments by deputies while considering bills at the sitting of the Sejm. The author critically assesses the so-called doctrine of exclusivism, which postulates a total exclusion of religious arguments from political discourse. Next, he justifies the thesis that appealing to religious reasons by deputies in the course of parliamentary work is not contrary to the constitutional principle of worldview impartiality of public authorities. Finally, based on the empirical study, he presents quantitative and qualitative characteristics of the operationalization of religious rhetoric in the legislative process in the Sejm of the 8th term. It turns out that MPs of all political groups appeal to religious arguments and they do it rather seldom. The state of affairs in which members of liberal and leftist parties themselves – identifying themselves with postulates of the exclusivist doctrine and even regarding them as a legal requirement – use religious argumentation, testifies to their political opportunism and ideological interpretation of the constitutional principle of religious impartiality of public authorities. The author postulates the avoidance of instrumental treatment of religion in the political debate.
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