Let A =(A(t)t≥0 be a subordinator. Given a compact set K ⊂[(0;∞) we prove two-sided estimates for the covering numbers of the random set {A(t) : t ∈ K} which depend on the Laplace exponent Φ of A and on the covering numbers of K. This extends former results in the case K = [0; 1]. Using this we find the behavior of the small deviation probabilities for subordinated processes(WH(A(t))tЄK, whereWH is a fractional Brownian motion with Hurst index 0 < H < 1. The results are valid in the quenched as well as in the annealed case. In particular, those questions are investigated for Gamma processes. Here some surprising new phenomena appear. As application of the general results we find the behavior of log P(suptЄK |Zα(t)| < ε) as ε→ 0 for the α-stable Lévy motion Zα. For example, if K is a self-similar set with Hausdorff dimension D > 0, then this behavior is of order −ε−αD in complete accordance with the Gaussian case α = 2.
The present research is aimed at examining the relative importance of the competing motivators of the sequencing of reason clauses in a corpus of research articles of applied linguistics. All the finite reason clauses accompanied by their main clauses in this corpus were collected. Random forest of conditional inference trees is the statistical modelling in this study. The findings showed that sentence-final reason clauses outnumber sentenceinitial ones. Moreover, subordinator choice and bridging, which are discourse-pragmatic constraints on clause positioning, emerged as the two more powerful predictors of the ordering of reason clauses in this corpus. Furthermore, the complexity of the clause turned out to be a stronger processing-related predictor than the length of the clause.
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I explore here the status of those expressions in English traditionally labelled "conjunctions", as seen from the perspective of notional grammar (see particularly Anderson 2006, 2011). Among "subordinating conjunctions", which subordinate sentential structures to lower-ranking constructions, I distinguish between those that introduce a non-locative argument of the superordinate clause and those which introduce a locative, typically a circumstantial. The former subordinate conjunctions belong to a category that is optionally realized independently as that. The latter involve in addition a superordinate locative structure, possibly abstract, that specifies the kind of circumstance or participation attributed to the subordinate clause. Other varieties of sentential subordination complicate this picture. As concerns "coordinating conjunctions", "simple coordination" is achieved by a category, realized centrally by and or or, that, prototypically, simultaneously modifies and takes as a complement instances of the same other category; the "conjunction", thus, contrary to the prevailing view, involves subordination of both the conjunction and the second instance of the "conjoined category". "Correlative coordination", exemplified by either ... or, involving a quantifier and a conjunction, is again subordinating.
The present research is aimed at examining the relative importance of the competing motivators of the sequencing of reason clauses in a corpus of research articles of applied linguistics. All the finite reason clauses accompanied by their main clauses in this corpus were collected. Random forest of conditional inference trees is the statistical modelling in this study. The findings showed that sentence-final reason clauses outnumber sentenceinitial ones. Moreover, subordinator choice and bridging, which are discourse-pragmatic constraints on clause positioning, emerged as the two more powerful predictors of the ordering of reason clauses in this corpus. Furthermore, the complexity of the clause turned out to be a stronger processing related predictor than the length of the clause.
Let P = (Pt)t≥0 be a sub-Markovian semigroup on L2(m), let β = (βt)t≥0 be a Bochner subordinator and let Pβ = (Pβ(t ))t≥0 be the subordinated semigroup of P by means of β, i.e. Pβ(s):= ∫∞(0) Pr βs(dr). Let φ:= (φt)t>0 be a P-exit law, i.e. Ptφs = φs+t, s,t>0 and let φβ(t):= ∫∞(0)φs βt(ds). Then φβ:= (φβ(t)t>0 is a Pβ-exit law whenever it lies in L2(m). This paper is devoted to the converse problem when β is without drift. We prove that a Pβ-exit law ψ:= (ψt)t>0 is subordinated to a (unique) P-exit law φ (i.e. ψ= φ β) if and only if (Ptu)t>0 ⊂ D(Aβ), where u = ∫∞(0)e-s ψ sds and Aβ, is the L2(m)-generator of Pβ.
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The concept and term polovedlejší věta (‘semi-subordinate clause’) is theoretically anchored in the formal-semantic level description of the language system. This description has been methodologically inspired by the distinctive features of the Prague Linguistic Circle phonology. Based on three features (subordinator, parenthesis, commenting), the semi-subordinate clause, by which the speaker comments on another clause, is delimited within this descriptive framework. Semi-subordinate clauses are unambiguously identifiable using a test of reversed relationship of clauses, cf. Jak vidím, jste soukromý detektiv ‘As I see, you are a private detective’ → Vidím, že jste soukromý detektiv ‘I (can) see that you are a private detective.’ The main section of the article is formed by a classification of semi-subordinate clauses in several parts. The first part is based on the classification according to subordinators: the centre of the system of semi-subordinate clauses is formed by clauses introduced by the relative pronominal adverb jak. Clauses with the relative consequential pronoun což and clauses with the relative introducing pronoun co are on the periphery. Clauses with conjunctions (jestli and its variants, and pokud and aby) lie between the centre and the periphery. The second part differentiates between attitude and stylization clauses. In the conclusion, the term semi-subordinate clause, reflecting a specific semi-category, is explained, and defended.
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