Article addresses the problem of legacy of the New Left and its "failure". It addresses questions about strategic mistakes committed by non-institutionalized, left-wing activists of the sixties and systemic repressions to their actions. It finally renews hope for the rebirth of the struggle for a more just world.
The paper looks at the major issues underlying devolution in the United Kingdom, i.e. a process whereby the historically diverse areas and regions constituting the seemingly uniform state have been slowly striving for independence, along with the formation of local, regional and even national identities. Hinging on the idea of ‘multicultural citizenship’, the paper seeks to analyse the ongoing public discourse centered on the gradual transfer of centralized London-based power to local and regional bodies across the UK. This discourse forms the pivotal background of devolution, overtly pointing to the idea of the so-called ‘new opening’ of the entire British political scene, clearly promoting the notion of strengthening the position of Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, and English regions as increasingly autonomous geographical and cultural areas as part of a weakening monolith by the name of the United Kingdom. Resting almost entirely on historic tensions between British identity and Scottish identity, it is made clear that the Scottish public debate has basically neglected the issues of the assimilation of its cultural minorities with the ‘post-devolution’ reality. The devolution discourse stems from the rancorous debates and polemics which have taken place throughout the three hundred years of the Scottish and English Union, covering several social and political contexts, including the growing demands voiced by the SNP. Indeed, it has a major impact on the formation of Scots’ national distinctiveness alongside Scotland’s gradual emergence as a separate part of the British Isles.
PL
Artykuł omawia główne zagadnienia leżące u podstaw procesu dewolucyjnego w Zjednoczonym Królestwie, tj. stopniowego uniezależniania się historycznych krain – regionów współtworzących to pozornie jednolite państwo, oraz tworzenie się w tym procesie tożsamości lokalnych, regionalnych, a nawet narodowych. Bazując na pojęciu „obywatelstwa wielokulturowego”, dokonano analizy podjętego w tym państwie ożywionego dyskursu publicznego w kwestiach związanych ze stopniowym przekazywaniem władzy skupionej centralnie – w Londynie – instytucjom lokalnym i regionalnym. Dyskurs ten stanowi istotne zaplecze procesu dewolucji, wyraźnie wskazując na ideę tzw. „nowego otwarcia” całej brytyjskiej sceny politycznej, jednoznacznie promując umacnianie pozycji Szkocji, Walii i Irlandii Północnej oraz angielskich regionów jako niezależnych obszarów geograficzno-kulturowych w ramach słabnącego monolitu państwowego Zjednoczonego Królestwa. Dyskurs dewolucyjny ma swe źródła w burzliwych debatach i polemikach toczących się w ciągu trzystu lat istnienia unii angielsko-szkockiej. Obejmuje wiele środowisk społecznych i politycznych, w tym rosnącą w siłę Szkocką Partię Narodową (SNP) i ma istotny wpływ na kształtowanie się poczucia narodowej odrębności Szkotów oraz stopniowego umacniania pozycji tego „regionu – obszaru – kraju” na Wyspach Brytyjskich. Artykuł przybliża istotę dążeń odśrodkowych na przykładzie Szkocji, której coraz bardziej wyraziste dążenia niepodległościowe – ich apogeum jest zaplanowane na wrzesień referendum niepodległościowe – oznaczać będą istotne zmiany konstytucyjne, stanowiąc poważne wyzwanie dla spójności całego Zjednoczonego Królestwa. W ten sposób uwidacznia się istotny z punktu widzenia spójności kulturowej problem przyszłości tego państwa w obliczu możliwych dalszych zmian terytorialnych.
The author presented the concept of Maria Ossowska’s ethics of struggle. He also analyzed her views on morally acceptable ways of struggle. What is more, the author showed the evolution of chivalric ethos and analyzed its historical conditionings. In conclusion, he states that the moral character of the struggle depends on honorable behaviors of its participants.
Автор воспринимает современное демократическое общество как борьбу между либерализмом и христианством. Либерализм он видит как изощренную культуру отчуждения, а христианство – как приходящую в упадок культуру истины. Автор вместо демократии, которая опирается на отчуждении и обмане, постулирует политическую борьбу как заботу о собственных интересах, которые ограничены социумом и первенством сверхчеловеческого фактора.
EN
The author sees modern democratic society as a fight between liberalism and Christianity. He sees liberalism as a sophisticated culture of alienation; in Christianity he sees the declining culture of truth. Instead of democracy, referring to alienation and to lying, the author postulates a political struggle as a concern for self-interest, limited by the idea of the social community and the primacy of superhuman factor.
The purpose of this article is the analysis, classification and synthesis of the historical literature on peasant insurgent movement on Chyhyryn area in the late 10th – early 20th of the XX century; figuring out the correct use of the term “Holodny Yar Republic” as the name of the peasant insurgent organization on Chyhyrynshchyna. For the study of Ukrainian historiography was used comparative method. The author uses both general scientific methods (systemic) and speculation: historical-chronological, comparative-historical, typological, problem-chronological approach. The Ukrainian historiography of peasant insurgency in Chyhyrynshchyna can be divided according to this principle: works of direct participants and contemporaries of peasant liberation struggle, published mainly in Ukrainian diaspora and scientific research, carried out by Ukrainian historians in the years of Ukrainian independence. The problem of investigation of the peasant insurgency of the Kholodny Yar became widely popular after the publication of the memories of Y. Horlis-Horsky in the 1930s. Memories of the author were supplemented by the writings of M. Doroshenko, I. Liuty-Liutenko. Information about insurgent struggle in Chyhyrynshchyna contained in the memoirs of Ukrainian military leaders: N. Omelianovych-Pavlenko, Y. Tiutiunnyk, O. Vyshnivsky, O. Dotsenko, P. Diachenko, N. Avramenko, V. Simiantsev. In the years of Ukrainian independence the interest to peasant insurgency in Kholodny Yar has grown significantly. Access to archival materials, dedicated to the liberation struggle of Ukrainian people, has strengthened spring base of the research. Among modern researchers who have considered in their writings the issues of insurgency in Kholodny Yar, an important place is occupied by R. Koval. The topic of the insurgent movement in Kholodny Yar reflected in publications of M. Bukhalska, V. Dmytruk, V. Marayev, V. Savchenko, P. Stehniy and other researchers. The term “Holodnoyarska Republic” is not correct in scientific terms. The members of insurgents movement in Kholodny Yar had never proclaimed own “Republic”. They fought not for a small area around Kholodny Yar, but for the liberation of Ukraine, part of which they themselves believed. The topic of peasant insurgency in Kholodny Yar area has not yet been disclosed finally, researchers have work to do. The article may be useful for historians, educators and anyone interested in the history of the liberation struggle in Ukraine.
In the article we studied the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church as an integral part, a national factor in the religious process of the Ukrainians, living in western regions of the USSR during the 1960s and 1970s. The research gave a comprehensive analysis of the place and role of the church in nation-building and preservation of ethnic and national identity of the titular representatives of the Ukraine’s nation during the Soviet anti-religious campaign. We described the activities of the Greek Catholic clergy, whose aim was the consolidation of national-patriotic forces and the formation of religious opposition among the Ukrainians. The article also outlined the policy vectors of the atheistic communist ruling elite and revealed their essence, covered violent reorientation of Greek Catholics to Orthodoxy. In terms of religious oppression and persecution, the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church continued its development of underground and become a consolidating factor in Western Ukrainian struggle for their national and religious rights. It has become an important factor in ethnicity creation and a spiritual and cultural self of the Ukrainian people.
W 1960 r. w Nowej Hucie miały miejsce zajścia, które historycy zwykli określać mianem "walk o krzyż". W swojej krótkiej pracy postanowiłem przybliżyć te niezwykle dramatyczne wydarzenia w najmłodszej dzielnicy Krakowa. Powołując się na wypowiedzi świadków i uczestników zajść wykazałem, że 27. kwietnia 1960 r. w Nowej Hucie mieliśmy obraz wojny. Doszło do starć zbrojnych ze służbami porządkowymi, nie obyło się bez rannych (nie wiemy czy byli zabici). W pracy przedstawiłem też genezę tych wydarzeń zaznaczając, że społeczeństwo nowohuckie poczuło się oszukane cofnięciem zgody na budowę kościoła. Pomysł tematyki tekstu zrodził się w związku z 50-tą rocznicą "rewolucji nowohuckiej".
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In the year of 1960 in Nowa Huta took place the incidents, which historians usually call “the struggles for the cross”. In my brief paper I decided to examine those remarkably dramatic events in the newest district of Cracow. Referring to the statements of the witnesses and participants of the incidents I prove that on the 27th of April of 1960 Nowa Huta constituted a warlike image. There was armed struggle with the armed services, there were also wounded victims (it is not known whether there were any killed). In the paper I also present the genesis of the events emphasizing that the community of Nowa Huta felt cheated by the withdrawal of the permission for the construction of a church. The idea for the essay was born in regard to the 50th anniversary of the “revolution of Nowa Huta”.
‘The monk’s Home is his ‘tomb before the tomb… For no one leaves the tomb until the general resurrection. But if some depart, know that they have died’. The monk lives as though dead on the earth yet. Climacus highlights the profound importance of understanding the practices like ‘remembrance of death’ and metaphorical usage of ‘death’ for interpreting the ideals and tools of Christian asceticism. For John Climacus, the event and concept of death provide the organizing logic for ascetic life – principles according to which the monk can make progress by guarding his heart, by repentance and cry, prayer, struggle, and humility.
Norwid’s deliberations about strategy were not a very well known but important and inventive current in his thought and literary work. In his concise essay La philosophie de la guerre, in the rhapsody Fulminant and in numerous poems, poetical digressions, remarks, notes and memorials the writer defined strategy as a domain of knowledge, a kind of art and a practical skill, necessary to reach long-range historical aims, and especially – in the particular situation of the partitions of Poland and in the face of the lost uprisings – to conduct an efficient struggle for independence, ending in a success. Opposing the long-term planning and strategic actions to a war, a battle, a skirmish and short-term plots – or in one word: to “bloody episodes, “convulsive straining”, futile martyrdom and fatalities, Norwid advocated a peaceful struggle carried on incessantly and consistently, a struggle that aimed at realizing positive human values, and not selfish goals. He thought that this kind of “struggle is a normal task of Humanity” and a universal law of history; whereas bloody war – is a license and an exception, acceptable only in the situation of a “just war”, in defense of universal values that were vio¬lated. According to this conception the writer contrasted the “soldier’s” attitude capable of he-roism first of all in everyday life and everyday work, with the “marauding soldier’s” one, taking one’s anger out on other people in aggression, violence; one greedy for blood and revenge. Hence in Norwid’s understanding it was the ability to predict and forestall events and to take precautionary measures in time that was the essence of strategy. He also connected successful strategy with working out and keeping to “a perfectly well conceived plan” that, owing to earlier preparations, concentrating the means in the right place and time, as well as to well thought out maneuvers, eliminated or reduced to a necessary minimum the use of physical force and violence towards the opponent. The basis of strategy was then formed by a long-range intellectual conception, and also by the ability to carry on struggle with various means, including also struggle “on the field of the idea” and “on the field of the word”.
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