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2 2018

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Streikbewegungen und Arbeitsproteste im Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren

100%

Kokoška S.

nr 1

157-175

A traditional type of strike movement the aim of which was to achieve better wages was seen mainly in the initial phase of the Nazi occupation. Its main reason was inflation, and the Protectorate government reacted to it as early as on 13 June 1939, by banning strikes and lockouts. It is true that the strike wave continued even after this date, but it was petering out fast, thanks to government decrees on wage adjustments. Since the beginning of 1940, strikes were regarded as attempts to sabotage industrial production. Strike cases were initially tried by German military courts, but the jurisdiction over the prosecution of acts of sabotage later fell under special tribunals of the Land Courts in Prague and Brno. Another strike wave in the Protectorate took place in the summer of 1941 and was one of the reasons why Reinhard Heydrich was ultimately appointed the Acting Reichsprotektor. The occupation power reacted not only by swift actions of the Gestapo, but mainly by exemplary punishments. As a result of the repressions, strikes ceased to be used as an organized form of social protests. There were therefore only a few strikes between 1943 and 1944, which broke out quite spontaneously. The best known of them was the one which took place in the ČKD factory in Vysočany on 24 August 1943; although causing only negligible damage, the special court passed one death sentence and four sentences of imprisonment for three to seven years. These intimidating punishments were the reason why strikes as a form of protest were quickly receding into the background, being replaced by slow work or escapes of individuals assigned to forced labour. Strikes as a form of political protest appeared mainly on the list of actions of the illegal Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, for the first time in the autumn of 1939 in connection with the cancellation of the national holiday commemorating the birth of the republic. While the democratic resistance was organizing public demonstrations on the occasion of 28 October 1939, the illegal Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was preparing manifestation strikes which indeed took place in Prague, Plzeň, Rakovník, and a few other places. Between 1939 and 1941, the Communist press was also promoting a traditional-type strike movement, but attempting to direct the illegal movement in the Protectorate only toward the struggle for social requirements. In the final phase of the war, the Communists’ concept was that of an all-out general strike as a prologue to a nationwide uprising. However, the concept was illusory; first, it overrated the abilities of the heavily decimated illegal Communist Party. Second, it disregarded the fact that the industrial production in the Protectorate in the spring of 1945, only a few months until the final defeat of Germany, would quickly collapse, and the importance of strikes would thus be significantly reduced.

Strajki na Litwie w okresie 2000-2016

63%

Wołkonowski J.

nr 527

320-332

Strajki stały się zjawiskiem dość częstym – są ostateczną formą protestu pracowników, domagających się poprawy płacy i warunków pracy. Celem artykułu jest analiza strajków na Litwie w XXI wieku. Badania zostały przeprowadzone na podstawie danych statystycznych Departamentu Statystyki Litwy. W artykule zastosowano metodę porównawczą wskaźników uzwiązkowienia z innymi krajami UE oraz przestrzennego zróżnicowania liczby strajków w okręgach kraju. Decyzje o strajku podejmują związki zawodowe. Litwa ma niskie wskaźniki udziału pracowników w związkach zawodowych, zaś prawo litewskie (Kodeks pracy) stawia wysokie wymagania wobec organizatorów strajku, stąd też w poszczególnych latach strajków nie było wcale albo było niewiele. Jednak w latach 2007-2008 przez cały kraj przeszła lawina strajków w oświacie. Nastąpił wzrost wynagrodzeń pracowników oświaty, jednak okazał się on krótkotrwały. Kolejna fala strajków w tej branży miała miejsce w latach 2014-2016, ale nie przyniosła efektów.

The aim of the article is to analyze strikes in Lithuania in the 21st century. Decisions on strike are made by trade unions. Lithuania has low employee participation rates in trade unions, while Lithuanian law (Labor Code) places high demands on the organizers of strikes. The Lithuanian economy collided with several large waves of strikes: in 2007-2008, 2014-2016 and in 2017. The first two waves of strikes were organized by trade unions of education workers and were partially successful. However, the strike situation is still ongoing. The last wave of strikes in 2017 was organized by trade unions of forestry workers and ended in fiasco. The most active districts were Telšiai and Klaipėda.