Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Debate Over the Economic Role of the State in Poland in the Works of the Representatives of the Kraków School, the Leviathan Organization and the First Economic Brigade in the Years 1919–1939

100%

Jarosz-Nojszewska A.

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tom 35

27-46

EN

As Poland regained independence in 1918, it immediately had to deal with the question of how to shape its political and economic system. One important but at the same time controversial issue was the level of the state’s involvement in the economic life of the country and the measures used. In numerous debates among economists, the dominant topics included problems in the industry - in particular issues such as statism, monopolization, policy towards cartels and, in the later period, economic planning. The article presents the course of the discussion on the role of the state in the economy that took place in Poland in the years 1918-1939, as well as a review of arguments put forward by the proponents and opponents of state’s economic interventionism. For the purpose of this article, three groups that were most active in the debate were selected: the Kraków School, the Leviathan organization and the First Economic Brigade.

2

K Hegelovmu ponímaniu občianskej spoločnosti a etatizmu

88%

Hurný R.

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nr 2(6)

127-150

EN

In this article the author deals with Hegel ́s statism, his philosophy of right and state. He analyses primarily Hegel ́s work Elements of the Philosophy of Right. Based on historical argumentation, he refutes the proposition of the connection of Hegel ́s philosophy of right and the ideology of the Prussian state. The author analyses Hegel ́s theory of abstract right, morality, and the importance of the role of family in society. He points to the influence of English political economics, which is especially evident in Hegel ́s perception of civil society.

3

A Synthetic Approach to the Grounds of Global Justice

75%

Abumere F. A.

Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education

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2017

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nr 8

34-53

EN

This paper argues that neither the relational approach nor the non-relational approach to global justice is at once necessary and sufficient to deal with complex cases of global (in)justice. In this intervention in the dispute between relational and non-relational approaches, the aim of the paper is not to support one side and oppose the other, but to combine both approaches in order to arrive at a more robust approach. Using the strengths of the relational approach to compensate for the weaknesses of the non-relational approach and vice versa, the aim of the paper is to set out a mixed, combinatorial or synthetic approach that will be used to address complex cases of global (in)justice. Rather thandiscussing how the synthetic approach applies to a particular complex case of global (in)justice, the paper shows how a synthetic approach that intends to address complex cases of global (in)justice will look like. Perhaps, colloquially in Hegelian dialectics, the relational approach can be seen as a thesis, the non-relational approach as an antithesis and the combination of both approaches as a synthesis.

4

Interwencja triangularna i jej konsekwencje dla gospodarki

75%

Wojtyszyn R.

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tom 20

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nr 2

45 - 64

EN

The paper is a continuation of the presentation of Rothbard’s criticism of state interventionism in economy. It is focused on its triangular version. As a triangular intervention we classify price controls, minimum wage, product regulation, including all sorts of monopolistic privileges, licenses and tariffs, production and employment standards, patents and copyright, and prohibition. The article also presents Rothbard’s views on the nature of monopoly and the possibility to create monopoly prices in the free market. Following Rothbard, we consider the mechanisms of statism and its side effects for entrepreneurial activity, violating not only the economic sphere, but also the ethics of liberty.

5

Koncepcja budowy elektrowni okręgowej w Łodzi w pierwszej połowie XX wieku. Pomysły, uwarunkowania, próby realizacji

75%

Szymański M. J.

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2016

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nr 3

143-161

EN

The article presents an idea to build a district big power station in Łódź. A big modern electric power station was supposed to supply electric energy to the whole region and to become an element of the national network. What is more, all those plans had had been devised before the first world war, when Łódź was part of the Russian Empire. They were made in the offices of the 1886 Electric Lighting Association, a tycoon in the Russian electric industry, connected with the Concern of Siemens & Halske, Deutsche Bank and some Swiss holding companies. The idea was expected to be realised after regaining independence, yet it was later rejected because the municipal authorities of Łódź wanted to take over the property of the existing power station by virtue of a concession contract with the above-mentioned company. Even later no power station was built because of the increasing statism of the Second Republic and the idea of electrification prepared by the American Company Harriman et co was also killed. The text has been based on archive documents and specialised literature concerning the subject in question.

6

Etatyzm na przykładzie austriackiego józefinizmu w epoce Oświecenia

75%

Przedpełski B.

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nr 1-2

161-184

EN

The subject matter of the article is an intra-Catholic anti-Roman movement of statist nature, known as Josephinism. The movement spread throughout Austrian crown lands (Austria, Hungary, Transylvania, Banat, Bohemia, Slovakia, Galicia, Lodomeria, southern Netherlands, Croatia and Tuscany). Josephinism had its rise under the influence of enlightened absolutism, and Gallican and Febronian ideas. It started in the 1750s during the reign of Empress Maria Theresa (1740-1780), reached full development during the reign of Emperor Joseph II (1780-1790), and formally ended in 1855 by the conclusion of the Concordat between Austria and the Church State. The Josephinist system claimed and implemented the State supremacy over the Church in administrative and financial matters. By state government’s decrees numerous monasteries and fraternities were dissolved, organising pilgrimages was limited, and bishops’ direct communication with Rome was prohibited. At the same time the number of parishes was increased and a new ecclesiastical order of services was introduced. Joseph’s II great contribution was issuing the Edict of Tolerance in 1781, which granted freedom of religion and worship to the members of Evangelical Lutheran Church, Evangelical Reformed Church, the Orthodox Church, and the Mosaic faith. Owing to the support of Peter Leopold, Grand Duke of Tuscany, brother of Emperor Joseph II, in 1786 a diocesan synod was held in Pistoia (Tuscany), which postulated reforming the Mass, strengthening the authority of bishops and restoring papal primacy of honour in the Church. In 1794 its provisions were condemned by Pope Pius VI (1775-1799) in the bull Auctorem fidei.

PL

Tematem artykułu jest wewnatrzkatolicki ruch antyrzymski o charakterze etatystycznym, znany pod nazwą józefinizmu. Objął on swym zasięgiem kraje korony austriackiej (Austria, Węgry, Siedmiogród, Banat, Czechy, Słowacja, Galicja, Lodomeria, południowe Niderlandy, Chorwacja i Toskania). Józefinizm powstał pod wpływem oświeconego absolutyzmu oraz idei gallikańskich i febroniańskich. Rozpoczął się w latach 50. XVIII wieku za rządów cesarzowej Marii Teresy (1740-1780), pełny rozwój osiągnął za rządów cesarza Józefa II (1780-1790), a formalnie zakończył się w 1855 roku przez zawarcie konkordatu między Austrią a Państwem Kościelnym. System józefiński głosił i realizował zwierzchnictwo państwa nad Kościołem w sprawach administracyjnych i majątkowych. W wyniku zarządzeń władz państwowych zlikwidowano wiele klasztorów i bractw, ograniczono organizowanie pielgrzymek oraz zakazano bezpośrednich kontaktów biskupów z Rzymem. Jednocześnie zwiększono liczbę parafii i wprowadzono nowy porządek nabożeństw. Zasługą Józefa II było ogłoszenie w 1781 roku Edyktu tolerancyjnego, który przyznał wiernym Kościoła Ewangelicko-Luterańskiego, Kościoła Ewangelicko-Reformowanego, Kościoła Prawosławnego i Religii Mojżeszowej wolność wyznania i kultu religijnego. Dzięki poparciu Piotra Leopolda, wielkiego księcia Toskanii, brata cesarza Józefa II, w 1786 roku w Pistoi (Toskania) odbył się synod diecezjalny, który postulował reformę Mszy Świętej, wzmocnienie władzy biskupów i przywrócenie w Kościele prymatu honorowego papieża. Jego postanowienia w 1794 roku zostały potępione przez papieża Piusa VI (1775-1799) w bulli Auctorem fidei.

7

Liberalizm i etatyzm w praktyce gospodarczej krajów Unii Europejskiej

63%

Heller J.

Studia Regionalne i Lokalne

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2009

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nr 3(37)

27-45

PL

"Celem badań była identyfikacja i pomiar wolności gospodarczej w krajach Unii Europejskiej na przełomie XX i XXI w. Na tym tle szczególną uwagę zwrócono na zmiany (liberalizację) zachodzące w polskiej gospodarce. Podstawą analizy porównawczej między 25 krajami UE (poza Maltą i Cyprem) był materiał liczbowy uzyskany z corocznych badań wolności ekonomicznej, prowadzonych przez Heritage Foundation i Wall Street Journal w latach 1996–2008. Na łączny wskaźnik (indeks) wolności gospodarczej składała się średnia ocena dziesięciu różnych cech – kryteriów bardziej szczegółowych. Średni wskaźnik uzyskany z wszystkich 10 cech pozwalał natomiast ocenić kraj pod względem stopnia liberalizmu (wolności) gospodarki lub poziomu etatyzmu. Zaproponowane podejście metodyczne, w którym dokonuje się podziału na dwa nurty: etatyzm i liberalizm, okazało się szczególnie przydatne przy ocenie procesów zachodzących również w polskiej gospodarce. W wyniku badań stwierdzono, że wśród 15 krajów tzw. dawnej UE 10 zalicza się do grona bardziej liberalnych. W tej grupie jest też najbardziej liberalna w UE Irlandia, natomiast drugą grupę stanowi pięć państw wyraźnie mniej liberalnych: Hiszpania, Francja, Portugalia, Włochy i Grecja. Polska to kraj najbardziej etatystyczny spośród wszystkich członków UE, chociaż w pierwszych latach transformacji należała nawet – obok Czech i Estonii – do trzech liderów pod tym względem. Trudno więc utożsamiać gospodarkę polską z zaawansowanym bądź nadmiernym liberalizmem. Jest to – zgodnie ze współczesnymi standardami – raczej gospodarka etatystyczna, z pewnymi, i to nielicznymi, elementami liberalizmu. Badania wskazują, że kryzysu gospodarczego, który ujawnił się w połowie 2007 r., nie można utożsamiać wyłącznie z gospodarką liberalną, chociaż za takim źródłem przemawiają przyjmowane metody wychodzenia z zapaści gospodarczej. Przeważają tu rozwiązania etatystyczne, ale w wyraźnej mniejszości pojawiają się również metody liberalne. Rozstrzygnięcia należy jednak oczekiwać dopiero po kilku latach."

EN

The aim of the research was to identify and measure the level of economic freedom across the EU at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. Special attention was paid to the changes in (i.e. liberalization of) the Polish economy. The basis of the comparative analysis between the 25 EU countries (excluding Malta and Cyprus) was provided by data acquired from the annual economic freedom study conducted by the Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street Journal in the years 1996–2008. The overall economic freedom index consisted of the average from marks for 10 different features – more detailed criteria. The average index acquired from all 10 features was the basis of a country’s mark for the level of liberalism (economic freedom) or statism. The proposed methodological approach, in which the two main currents of statism and liberalism are exposed, was especially useful in evaluating the processes occurring in the Polish economy. The results of the research show that, in the group of 15 countries of the “old” EU, 10 can be considered more liberal. This group includes, as the most liberal EU state of all, Ireland. The second group is formed of 5 countries apparently less liberal, i.e. Spain, France, Portugal, Italy and Greece. Poland is found to be the most statist country anywhere in the EU, notwithstanding its status (along with the Czech Republic and Estonia) as one of the three leaders of liberalism in the first years of transformation. In this situation it is hard to identify the Polish economy with advanced or even excessive liberalism. It is – according to the present standards – a rather state-controlled economy, albeit with certain but scarce elements of liberalism. The research shows that the economic crisis which occurred from mid 2007 cannot be identified only with the liberal economy, even though the implemented methods of dealing with the crisis seem to point to such a source. Statist solutions prevail here, but some liberal methods appear as well. A solution to this dilemma can only be anticipated after several years have passed.

8

Przerosty etatyzmu

63%

Rogaczewska K.

|

tom 26

179-192

EN

Polish economic thought in the interwar period is characterised by the clash of views concerning the influence of the state on the economy. Theoreticians who represented liberalism criticised statism and state interventionism. Statism was viewed not only as an economic category but it was also synonymous with the omnipotence of the state and the appropriation of all the spheres of life. Statism involves the expression of the expansion of collectivism which destroyed individualism. From the liberals’ perspective, the state’s intervention in the economy always leads to the appropriation of other spheres of life. The studies carried out by the liberals in the 1920s and 1930s were based on empirical research and the rational justifications of economic calculations. Scholarly studies of the theoreticians affiliated to “the Cracow School” have not lost their relevance and can still be inspiring in the context of the discussion about the level of the state’s intervention in social (collective and individual) life.

9

Masarykova "Nová Evropa"

63%

Doubek V.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2023

|

tom 71

|

nr 4

665-676

EN

The text of The New Europe (1918) is analyzed in this article both on its own terms, that is, as a war-time work of T. G. Masaryk formulated with a specific propagandistic aim within the framework of a campaign of resistance, but also with regard to a longer- term discussion of Czech political thinking on the subjects of national identity and statehood. In its assessment of both this narrower framework and the wider one, the article affirms Masaryk’s exceptional ability to argumentatively transfer theoretical points of departure to the needs of political propaganda. It was this very ability that enabled Masaryk to transform his status and role from that of an influential commentator with little political influence in the pre-war years into an indubitable and practically unquestioned authority not only in the field of theoretical discussion, but also in Czech politics as such. It cannot be said that Masaryk’s interpretation of the discussion going on in Czech circles regarding the conception of nation and statehood was the only possible or correct one. But it proved to be acceptable during that period of time from the point of view of both foreign allies and domestic society, thus confirming itself alone as the basis of the concept of victory and victors, which it was possible to elaborate into the more general ideological framework of future Czechoslovak state doctrine.

CS

Text Nové Evropy (1918) je v této stati analyzován jak sám o sobě, tedy jako válečná práce T. G. Masaryka formulovaná s konkrétním propagandistickým záměrem v rámci odbojové akce, tak také s ohledem na dlouhodobější diskusi českého politického myšlení k tématům národní identity a státnosti. V posouzení užšího a širšího rámce se potvrzuje Masarykova výjimečná schopnost argumentačního přenosu teoretických východisek na potřeby politické propagandy. Právě tato schopnost umožnila proměnu postavení a role tohoto před válkou vlivného komentátora slabého politického vlivu do podoby nezpochybnitelné a prakticky nezpochybňované autority nejen na poli teoretické diskuse, ale i české politiky jako takové. Nelze tvrdit, že Masarykova interpretace české diskuse věnovaná pojetí národa a státnosti byla jediná možná či správná, ale ukázala se jako dobově přijatelná jak z pohledu zahraničních spojenců, tak domácí společnosti, a tím jako by sama sebe potvrdila coby základ konceptu vítězství a vítězů, který bylo možno rozpracovat do obecnějšího ideového rámce budoucí československé státní doktríny.

10

Antyliberalizm i kolektywizm. Polityka i gospodarka od II wojny światowej do lat siedemdziesiątych na przykładzie polskich programów powojennej odbudowy

63%

Leszczyński A.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

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2015

|

nr 1(25)

131-143

EN

Anti-liberalism and Collectivism. The Politics and Economy from World War II to 1970s, based on Example of Polish Reconstruction Plans written during the War The article is an attempt at reconstructing the views and motivations of statism, nationalization and the planned economy – dominant in the world economy (including in the so-called capitalist world) from the 1930s, and particularly after World War II. The author invokes one little-known example of particular interest to the Polish reader, that of the manifestoes of underground political parties written during World War II, both under occupation and in emigration. They all envisions fundamental changes in Poland’ s economic structure after the war: both the left and the right (while differing significantly) assumed a greater role for economic planning and nationalization of key industries (including banking, transport, energy and large industrial enterprises). Authors from the left to the right side of the spectrum associated the free market with irrationality, ineffeciency and chaos. Without an understanding of this state of mind, it is impossible to understand economic policy from the end of World War II until at least the 1970s.

11

Stanowisko Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej wobec zamachu majowego w 1926 roku

63%

Kowalski W.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2018

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tom 40

|

nr 2

103-123

EN

The aim of the article is to present the standpoints of the Polish Socialist Party against the May coup d’Etat in 1926. The paper brings close the actual influence of socialists and dependent on trade unions within the preparation and course on the May coup d’Etat 1926. The author analyses the role and influence of the socialist past of Marshal Jozef Pilsudski in obtaining the support of the leftist forces in the decisive moments of the 1926 coup d’Etat. The article contains a comparative analysis of the political postulates of the Polish Socialist Party as well as the actions taken by the leading groupings aimed at carrying out political and system reforms in the Second Polish Republic. It was shown that the concept of Polish socialists, adopted at the beginning of the 1920s, consisting of achieving program objectives through gradual and non-revolutionary socio-political reforms, paradoxically was abandoned in 1926 in favour of solutions characteristic for revolutionary groups.

12

"L’économie du bon plaisir". Wpływ myśli etatystycznej na organizację życia administracyjno-ekonomicznego Śląska doby habsburskiej (1526-1740)

51%

Kuczer J.

|

nr 7

209-224; 202-217

PL

W wielu nurtach nauk humanistycznych, zwłaszcza naukach politycznych i ekonomicznych (choć i badań nad kulturą) przejawia się wątek analizy wpływu myśli etatystycznej na funkcjonowanie społeczeństw. Celem, jak i w niniejszym artykule, jest unaocznienie i uwypuklenie zjawisk współczesnych, poprzez dociekania nad ich genezą i charakterem, traktowanym – zwłaszcza przez badaczy austriackich i brytyjskich – jako niezmienny. Pochylenie się nad tematyką śląską tego problemu wynika z kilku stałych. Po pierwsze jest to jedna z prowincji Świętego Cesarstwa Rzymskiego Narodu Niemieckiego, której w badaniach nad historią prawa przypisuje się cechy państwa par excellence. Po drugie w omawianym okresie była to najdalej z pośród innych wysunięta na wschód Europy struktura ekonomiczna, która ulegała polityce etatystycznej wzorowanej na dokonaniach francuskich. Po trzecie, Śląsk uległ jej ostatni w Europie, a więc przyjął jej „najdoskonalszą”, dobrze wypracowaną, formę. W artykule analizie poddano kwestie organizacji i rozwoju centralnych struktur administracji publicznej oraz ich wpływ na etatyzm ekonomiczny, według schematu: 1. Programowe podstawy etatyzmu na Śląsku, 2. Realizacja założeń przez tworzenie urzędów centralnych, 3. Przejmowanie najwyższych urzędów o charakterze ekonomicznym przez ludzi cesarskich, 4. Nadawanie największych majątków ludziom związanym z polityką Wiednia, 5. Nowości z zakresu polityki skarbowej, 6. Ekonomiczne przesłanki cementowania hierarchii społecznej. Taki układ związany jest z chronologiczną wartością zmian. Przy prowadzeniu eksplanacji najlepiej sprawdziła się metoda synchronistyczna, genetyczna, filologiczna, ewolucyjna, socjologiczna, elementy metod porównawczej, progresywnej, retrogresywnej oraz argumentum ex silentio.

EN

In many human sciences, especially political science and economics (and cultural research) there exist many analyses of the impact of statism (etatism) on the functioning of societies. The aim of this article is to show and highlight contemporary phenomena of this doctrine, through inquiry into their origins and character, treated – especially by Austrian and British researchers – as unchangeable. Why Silesia? Why 1526-1740? Several constants existed there. Firstly, it was a province of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, treated in the studies of the history of the rights as state par excellence. Secondly, in the abovementioned period, it was the farthest from, among others, Europe's easternmost economic structure which underwent statist policies modeled on French achievements. Thirdly, Silesia was the last in Europe, and so it was seen as "the most perfect", in practice it was a well worked out and well distorted, form. The article analyzes the issues of the organization and development of central public administration structures and their impact on economic statism, according to the scheme: 1. Ideological basis of statism in Silesia, 2. Implementation through the creation of central offices, 3. The taking of the highest economic offices by the Emperor’s adherents, 4. Giving the greatest land fortunes to people involved in the politics of Vienna Court, 5. News from the fiscal policy agenda, 6. Economic basis of the creation a new social order/hierarchy. Such a system is related to the value of chronological changes. When conducting an explanation, it proved to be the best to use synchronic, genetic, philological, evolutionary and sociological methods and elements of comparative, progressive and retrogressive and argumentum ex silentio methods as well.

13

Polska inna niż PRL. Rozważania programowe O co walczymy? na łamach organu Stronnictwa Narodowego „Walka” w latach 1941–1944

44%

Kosiński K.

Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość

|

2017

|

nr 30

86-130

EN

During the period of 1941–1944, “Walka” the head body of the National Party in the period of occupation published the series entitled “O co walczymy?” (What do we fight for?). It was comprised of 32 detailed drafts. They presented political, social and economic programme. At the same time, they comprise evidence of how the method of the programme invented by the NP was created during the four years of war. This article includes the analysis of the whole series entitled “O co walczymy?”, it depicts the political group where it was created and outlines the ideological and historic contexts. The analysis allows us to draw the conclusion that, at the beginning, the attention of the “O co walczymy” series’ authors was drawn to geopolitics and the issue of future borders. Since 1942 it was dominated by social and economic subjects. The “O co walczymy?” series proves that during the period of occupation, the National Party developed a comprehensive programme which included such issues as agricultural reform, education, higher education, the middle class, right for ownership, the judiciary, and work ethics. The local government and social organisations were to be the foundation of the “national political system”. Capitalism was to be the focal point of the system – as the source of moral standards and the safety catch protecting the national idea against distortion. The “O co walczymy?” series allows to imagine what the post-war Poland would be, if the power was not taken over by Communists.