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EN
At the turn of the century. Socialist ideas were very popular, especially among youth. It was no different among Poles living under occupation. Young Józef Pilsudski socialist concepts associated with the possibility of fighting for independence of the Republic. He read socialist literature, the Capital of Karl Marx, whose content is not treated as the only interpretation of the understanding of socialism. We can assume that he doesn’t fully understand Marx’s proposed economic solutions. Certainly he wasn’t one of the theorists of Marxism. Socialism for Pilsudski was not a goal but a means to implement the most important of target – Independent Republic.
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Content available remote Vlastníctvo a socializmus z pohľadu Semiona Ludvigoviča Franka
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EN
The question of private and common ownership has much more extensive dimensions of influence than meets the eye. These dimensions are not limited to the economic, legal and social areas. S.L. Frank in his work Ownership and Socialism attempts to clarify the fact that it is its owner rather than the property which is the real issue. The author demonstrates that the treasures of the world and the ways of owning them are actually secondary, because it is the human soul which has “made a treasure“ of the things of the world, while the only one genuine treasure worthy of our affection is the infinitely loving God. This fact leads Frank to the conclusion that only through a supernatural “possession of the self“ in God can every natural way of ownership gain some meaning on the earth.
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EN
This paper will try to emphasize how, in recent years, steps have been taken aimed at replacing the pluralist and decentralized State foreseen in the Constitution for a different model, based on the penetration of the socialism in the different community spaces, which constitutes the foundation for the establishment of a new scheme of production, of conviviality and legitimacy. It will highlight the contradictions between the model presented as desirable and the real state policies and judgments
EN
The paper deals with various economic interpretations of World War I which are often followed by changes in economic theory. It is shown, that most prevailing interpretations are still influenced by Karl Marx and his theories. Then, the sequential shift in economic or social policy and thinking is inevitably influenced by Marxism too. Authors writing in this tradition summarized that the capitalism leads to the monopolist structure of the economy and to the imperialism in economic policy. The war is then result of the struggle for foreign markets and resources. Using the economic theory and clarifying basic definition (for example competition, capitalism, socialism) the paper shows that it is not the "invisible hand" of capitalism what is a cause of war, but the "visible hand" of the state.
EN
The main goal of the paper is to discuss whether it is possible to build a contemporary version of Marxist theory based on what was the core of Karl Marx’ theoretical system e.d. theory of the class struggle and theory of the antycapitalist revolution. Any attempt to build such theory encounters epistemological obstacles and theoretical problems connected with issues such as: Bolshevik revolution, phenomenon of “Solidarity” and the fall of real socialism in the East Europe, TINA and the end of history. The thesis of the paper is that to continue Marx’s idea of the world revolution we have to deal with these problems and overcome the obstacles.
EN
Fully explanation and understanding of essence of “Chinese Marxism” and of “Socialism with the Chinese characteristics” and also of the development of contemporary China’s is possible thanks to exploit of Marxist theory and methodology, especially of historic and dialectical materialism. The PR China is since over 60 years the socialist state, which build up the bases of the socialism and communism. The leadership of this construction is Communist Party of China., The history of contemporary China’s is divided for two 30 years: 1.1949-1976 was under great influence of the leadership of Mao Zedong, who had leaded in the introduction of the national, anticapitalist and socialist revolution and in the construction of the bases of socialism. Mao in this time also developed Marxism-Leninism to the Chinese historical, socio-economic and culture conditions, which was also a Sinicization of Marxism under name Maoism. Mao became in the first stage of his theoretical and practical activity many helps from Soviet socialism and from Communist International, from Marxism-Leninism, but he also had underlining the separately road of Chinese revolution and national characteristics. 2.Stage (1978-2012) was a result of the theoretic and praxis activity of Deng Xiaoping and next generations of Chinese Marxists, especially Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, what resulted in Theory of Deng and Theory of 3 represents, which were next stages of the Sinicization of Marxism.The main categories of this are socialist market economy, harmonious society, socialism with the Chinese characteristcs and others.
EN
This article attempts to present the question of ideas of Polish heterodox economist Michał Kalecki on the planned economies and general problems with capitalist and post-capitalist systems. To analyze the problem I start with Kalecki’'s theory of capitalist crisis, question of effective demand and full employment, and then describe the quasi-model of democratic planned economy. Next, I focus on relations of workers’' self-management with central planning and motivation problems under state-run economy. I also put on agenda the so-called shortage problem, analyzed by the Kalecki’'s supporter, Andrea Szego, in opposition to neo-classical approach of Hungarian economist Janos Kornai.
EN
The aim of this paper is to show Carl von Clausewitz influence on Vladimir Lenin writings and actions. We especially want to analyse this influence on bolshevik’s theory of war, warfare and revolutionary struggle. We think that Clausewitz writings on strategy and tactics played important role in marxist-leninist theory of just and unjust war’s. They have also important role in defending the October Revolution in Russia because beliefs of prussian general helps bolshevik with creation of the Red Army as mighty and powerful revolutionaly tool. At the end we want to show actuality of „clausewitzian” theory of war in modern marxism. We would say also few words about importance of marxist investigations of war as instrument of capitalist culture.
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2012
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nr 2
34-50
EN
This article attempts to present the main elements of Poland’s interwar Socialist interpretation of Marxism and its theoretical heritage. The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) in the interwar period was a rather pragmatic party, but had defined itself as strictly Marxist. In the view of party leaders, the core of Marxism was the theory of historical materialism which they considered as a theory explaining the process of social change. They interpreted Marxism in a scientistic way as the best method of social research, devoid of ontological theses and claims; they were convinced that philosophical materialism is not an integral part of Marxism. Poland’s interwar Socialist interpretation of Marx’s heritage was not highly sophisticated; this was typical of the party members of the Labour and Socialist International (Sozialistische Arbeiter-Internationale). The main theoretical authorities for Polish socialists were at that time Karl Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Max Adler. The type of Marxism represented by these thinkers was an important source of the Polish Socialist Party’s political thought in the interwar period.
PL
Polska Partia Socjalistyczna była jedną z najpoważniejszych sił politycznych II Rzeczypospolitej. Stanowiła integralną część systemu politycznego państwa, wobec tego w taktyce postępowania jej liderów pierwiastki pragmatyczne dominowały nad wiernością wobec ideologicznej ortodoksji. PPS definiowała się jako partia marksistowska. W opinii polskich socjalistów rdzeniem marksizmu była teoria materializmu historycznego, traktowana jako metoda badawcza służąca przede wszystkim do wyjaśniania procesu zmiany społecznej. Ich interpretacja marksizmu była w specyficzny sposób scjentystyczna. Zdaniem polskich socjalistów, filozoficzny materializm nie stanowił integralnej części marksizmu. Ten sposób interpretacji tradycji marksistowskiej był dość typowy dla partii zrzeszonych wówczas w Socjalistycznej Międzynarodówce Robotniczej (Sozialistische Arbeiter-Internationale). W środowisku pepeesowskim najwyżej ceniono takich teoretyków, jak Karl Kautsky, Otto Bauer, Max Adler i in. Zaczerpnięte od nich koncepcje stanowiły istotny element myśli politycznej międzywojennej PPS.
EN
The article concerns the policy of communistic authorities towards the private trade sector in the Lublin region between 1944 and 1954 (the policy was analogous in entire Poland), especially during so-called “the battle for trade”, the aim of which was a definite termination of the class of traders. The sovietisation of trade in post-war Poland, more commonly known as “the battle for trade” was one of the most principal nationwide undertakings by the pro-Stalinist communistic regime of that time managing Poland and appointed by Joseph Stalin, the purpose of which was the general sovietisation of the Republic of Poland before the country could finally join the structure of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The prelude to sovietisation in the Lublin region occurred at the turn of 1946 and 1947. The climax took place between 1947 and 1948 and the period of decadence between 1949 and 1951, although it can be accepted that actually “the battle for trade” was going on until 1989 that is, until the time of political transformation in Poland and the return to the free-market economy. During the period of “the battle for trade”, as the result of repressive policy of the communistic authorities towards traders, the private trade sector almost entirely disappeared. The total termination of trade resulted in the fact that people in cities and the countryside lacked sufficient supplies of basic foodstuffs and industrial articles. Badly managed nationalized trade sectors, state-owned and cooperatives, were unable to provide the country with proper food supplies. The communistic regime and its incompetent economical policy caused chaos but attempted to soothe it by delivering basic foodstuffs and introducing the system of food ration coupons temporarily, which became the characteristic means of food distribution in the period of the People’s Republic of Poland.
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The article is about the role of and significance of Leon Wasilewski in shaping the concept of federation. This derived from the environment Polish Socialist Party politician, Minister of Foreign Affairs, diplomat and journalist, was one of the closest associates of Józef Piłsudski. Leon Wasilewski had an impact not only on the nature of the idea of federation, but also for the whole of Polish eastern policy. During the first decade of functioning of an independent Polish Republic after World War I, he was one of the most prominent experts on the subject: Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Belarus and Ukraine.
EN
According to Zygmunt Bauman, the first and fundamental step towards a new social order should be instilling the public belief that the status quo be negated. He highlights the lack of new ideas, not even any sense of direction when it comes to a search for new paradigms. He makes the public realize that the contemporary socialist thought is to advance further towards new horizons, the ones that remove restrictions which were imposed to counterculture by socialist capitalist era. Bauman considers the issue of finding answers to fillowing questions to be the most important challenge of the twenty-first century: where to get new, better multipanetary principles of social life that could be widely accepted and respected? Where to find their creators and implementors, those who know how to intorduce the new creed to guide the humanity? Hypothesis that Bauman puts, is the claim that the future of socialism would be decided upon a cultural level. He puts an emphasis not so much a formal change of ownership, but on new culture and new philosophy with diffrent patterns of relationship.
EN
There is a distinct division in judgements on W. Jaruzelski between people who regard him as a defender of socialism, and those who treat him as a traitor. In fact, Jaruzelski was nether of them. The analysis of his government policy indicates that he upholded the interests of the privilidged ruling group, that had developed into exploitative social class during the period of „real socialism” and perceived the further realisation of its interests only through systemic transformation towards capitalism. The Martial Law was not a form of securing socialism but a move to prepare conditions for overtly capitalist transformation.
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Content available remote Discourses of Thrift and Consumer Reasonability in Czech State-Socialist Society
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The article examines how notions of thrift, saving, and frugality were present and active in the state-socialist discourses of economic behaviour and what meaning these notions carried. The research is based on three kinds of data: the official state-socialist public discourse of economic behaviour as presented in transcripts of parliamentary speeches, household guides and manuals, and eyewitness accounts of the state-socialist era recollected in oral history interviews. Such a multi-faceted corpus of discourse data made it possible to examine factual and normative aspects of thrift in state-socialist discourses and compare them with the accounts of everyday practices and tactics that may well contradict the official discourse. The analysis reveals that (a) notions of thrift and saving were strongly present throughout the period in all discourses examined, (b) both terms underwent a semantic shift from a productive to a restrictive meaning over time, and (c) both notions were eventually publicly sidelined by the emphasis on raising revenue. Despite fading from public discourse in the late 1980s, the notion of thrift had by then become instilled in the subjective understanding of the ‘reasonable consumer’, a concept that can therefore be considered a precursor of the contemporary concept of consumer responsibilisation.
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Content available remote Dělnická kolonie Karlov  : Místo, paměť a identita
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EN
Worker´s colony Karlov was built by Škoda Works in 1913 to accomodate the growing number of its employees. Attached to the factory´s walls and thus spatially segregated from the rest of the city, inhabitants of Karlov built a retively close-knit neighbourhood community with a strong place-based identity. Based on the analysis of archival material and data from interviews with its former inhabitants, we follow Karlov´s voyage from capitalism to state-socialism at the levels of both macro-structural forces and it´s inhabitants experience of everyday life.
PL
Poniższy tekst, który został napisany przez Daniela Bansaïda dla pisma „Viento Sur”, stanowi odważną próbę prześledzenia teoretycznych wyzwań, przed jakimi stoi współczesny marksizm. Zdaniem autora teoretyczna sterylność współczesnej socjaldemokracji i innych wielkich politycznych nurtów może powodować, że marksiści spoczywają na laurach i tylko ortodoksyjnie potwierdzają odziedziczone historycznie tezy. Ale, jak twierdzi, rewolucyjna teoria musi teraz starać się uporać z wielkimi zmianami w świecie, jakie nastąpiły po upadku stalinizmu. Jego rozważania dotyczą współczesnego imperializmu, bilansu Związku Radzieckiego i podobnych krajów, struktury klasowej współczesnego kapitalizmu, nowych nacjonalizmów i tożsamości wspólnotowej, ruchów społecznych i partii politycznych, postmodernistycznych pojęć różnicy i zróżnicowania – i dużo więcej oprócz wymienionych. Jest to tekst gęsty i trudny.
EN
The paper interconnects studies of everyday life and everyday consumption and research on socialist housing estates. It is based on an ethnographic stydy of Petržalka, the biggest housing estate in Bratislava, located at the south band of the river Danube.
EN
Karl Marx is forgotten today as a philosopher, not because he had failed, but because of his critique of political economy, which is not understood based on its practical philosophical core. Critique of political economy is negative theory, which is committed to the task of unveiling the negativity of capitalist normative theory. It is not find justification in itself, but its justification lies exclusively in the preceding her early writings of Marx. At its foundation is not the way to build a solidaristic and ecological economy; the only its importance lies in the practical and philosophical awareness that the normative logic of capital, killing man and nature, we must overcome.
EN
The main objective of the article is to investigate the potential influence of basic income on the economy, especially Gross Domestic Product. The author uses Michał Kalecki's reproduction schemas and relations between fundamental macroeconomic factors in national economy (like GDP, the share of profits/wages, the amount of the budget deficit, private investment etc.) to verify objections against basic income made by Michel Husson: problem with financing, accusations of causing potential increase in social inequalities and reducing workers' wages. At the end of the paper some conditions under which implementing basic income can be beneficial are made and some political obstacles are indicated.
CS
Studie zkoumá, jakými způsoby se v populárnách prózách Báječná léta pod psa Michala Viewegha a Občanský průkaz Petra Šabacha projevuje nostalgie po období socialismu. Její hlavní projev spatřuje ve vzpomínání na možnosti vzdoru, které represivní režim před rokem 1989 nabízel a s nimi spojenou touhu po drobném, každodenním hrdinství. Práce zkoumá, jak je nostalgického vyznění obou textů dosaženo skrze využití humoru, který může figurovat jako prostředek i výsledek pokusů o vzdor. Zároveň si klade za cíl ukázat, že laskavé a humorné ladění obou textů se nevylučuje s odsouzením bývalého režimu. Tématizace vzdoru a narativní struktura těchto děl nabádají čtenáře k identifikaci s postavami, které zastávají antikomunistické postoje. Nostalgie těchto textů se tak obrací ne k době socialismu jako takové, ale k narativu o jejím úspěšném překonání.
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