Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Doradztwo (polityczne) w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego jako ewentualny przejaw procesu profesjonalizacji działań

100%

Scheffs Ł.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2021

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nr 2 (379)

113-126

EN

The main aim of the paper is to answer the question whether the use of qualified expert knowledge is a manifestation of professionalization of activities within local government and, additionally, whether it is an example of alliance of the world of science and politics, even if implemented at the local level. The basic research problem is to clarify the meaning of the term political consultancy, understood much more broadly than just advocacy activity in the field of public relations, closely correlated to the period of the election campaign. The perspective adopted in the study goes much further, treating consulting as a professional service provided at various levels of management of the local government community. The author puts forward the following hypotheses: 1) Consultancy has always been associated with various forms of governance of a given community. 2) Currently, views on the need to use consultancy services in politics are being articulated more explicitly. 3) This ongoing process can also be noted at the level of local government units, among others in Poland. 4) This phenomenon is not only discernable, but even necessary for the further development of local communities and their specific policies, which require appropriate substantive support of persons and/or institutions prepared to play such a role. The research method used is content analysis. The keywords related to the topic include political consultancy, professionalization, self-government.

2

Ewolucja samorządowej ordynacji wyborczej w Polsce w okresie transformacji systemowej

100%

Antkowiak P.

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2012

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nr 1(342)

69-86

EN

The political transformation which was introduced in Poland in 1989 brought about the creation of a state founded on democratic rules and respecting basic human rights. It was a period of dynamic political changes. As a result, self-government appeared and continues to exist in its present shape. The electoral system is an essential part of political life on a local and regional level. However, this system can also easily be abused to achieve some immediate political goals which do not always converge with the aims of a democratic state. Six previous self-government elections have proven that electoral regulations often become the subject of a political game.

3

The Present-Day Problems of Administration

100%

Łętowski J.

Contemporary Central and East European Law

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1989

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nr 1-4(81-84)

15-30

4

Formy samorządu korporacyjnego w Polsce – dwadzieścia lat doświadczeń państwa demokratycznego

100%

Kmieciak R.

|

2012

|

nr 1(342)

43-68

EN

One of the biggest achievements of the process of the socio-political transformation in Poland is a vast decentralization of the sphere of public power. From the perspective of administrative law, decentralization is understood as a system in which there is a large number of independent centres equipped with public and legal competences and one main centre. Decentralization is therefore a procedure of transferring certain public functions so far restricted to the competence of the central government to groups of citizens organized as corporations. The object of the analysis presented in the article is corporative self-government grounded in the union of persons with obligatory membership. Corporative self-government which exemplifies decentralization is not a one-dimensional notion referring only to territorial relations. An essential role in the system of representing the interests of particular milieus falls to special self-government which is set apart by other criteria. According to this division, within the special self-government we further distinguish trade self-government and economic self-government. The article emphasizes the fact that the success of the Polish self-government reform will be complete only when there is a harmonious development of all the forms of corporative self-government irrespective of the character of bonds between their members. As legal entities, self-governments will then be in the service of democracy and will strengthen the civic society.

5

City categories and their position in polish local self-government system

100%

Obrębska M. , Wróbel S.

Political Preferences

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2016

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nr 13

35-56

EN

This study offers a short introduction to the development of cities in general, their types, functions, position and points of differentiation. It stresses the importance of multifarious factors that determine the importance of particular entities. The main part of the study though is concerned with Polish cities. It takes into consideration their origins, geographical location, administrative and political importance, city reforms, demographic and economic factors as well as their functions and finance to assess the role and salience of different city categories. It analyses the impact of the aforementioned factors, especially of administrative and self-government reforms on self-government reforms, reflecting the international trend towards the unification of self-government system, have not led to the homogenization of cities in Poland, but that provisions introduced allow for individualisation of their internal structures and functions.

6

STANOWISKO LUDOWCÓW W KWESTII SAMORZĄDU TERYTORIALNEGO W SEJMIE USTAWODAWCZYM (1919–1922)

100%

STRYKOWSKA A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2012

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nr 10

141-150 (10)

EN

Self-government is the most democratic representation of local communities. Since the establishment of the peasant’s political movement, its political motto was: who rules in the community, rules the country. The most extensive and detailed concepts of the structure of local government were provided by the Polish Peasant’s Party in the first years of the existence of the Second Polish Republic.

7

Polska reforma terytorialnego samorządu. Osobisty ślad odciśnięty na niej przez jej trzech współautorów

100%

Habuda L.

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tom 47

133-146

EN

Michał Kulesza, Jerzy Regulski, and Jerzy Stępień are three co-authors of polish self-government reform (1990 – 1998). The author of the article searches their roles as experts as well as politicians in shaping self-government system. Final conclusion is as follows: although they were “scientific owners” of the problem, their important part in resolving it was more political (bureaucratic) than professional. The matter of their professional role was generally out of question. Practically, the most difficult task was not the shape of future self-government system but the implementation of it. Key in resolving this problem was the political position of aforementioned co-authors, their participation in bureaucratic power, and openness for lobbying. It is a meaningful lesson for the future reformers, each and every one of them.

8

Polityka reform systemów wyborczych w wyborach do rad gmin

100%

Sokół W.

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tom 47

162-177

EN

In this article, I will focus on the evolution of the systems of elections to the commune councils in Poland. Between 1990 – 2014, seven elections to the commune councils were organized in Poland, conducted on the basis of four different voting systems. The most important alterations in the ordinations between 1990 and 2011 included: changing the category of entities qualifying for majority election system, modification of the dimension of the constituencies, changing the mode of distribution of seats, introducing electoral threshold, diminishing the number of councilors, implementing the procedure of “grouping list”. Analysis of changes in the electoral regulations leads to the conclusion that the elections to municipal councils have been politicized.

9

Samorząd jako wartość cywilizacyjna

100%

Kasiński M.

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2008

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tom 11

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nr 2

205-216

EN

The core of the local self-government stems from the Western (Latin) civilization values. European Nations have always fought for the qualities and perseverance of local self government. Currently it is considered an attribute of local democracy, although in the European tradition it has long been related to the pluralist values of social life organization. The communes; freedom, and their independence from the local government have been derived from natural law and seen as a condition for a healthy social system. Contemporarily, local self-government as a law and ability for local communities to manage a range of public matters independently, has been anew recognized as a social system value in uniting Europe. Yet there have also revived certain historical threats to the local selfgovernment arisen from central and local bureaucracy, particularism, and bribing local power elites. In such case, the fight for a local government that complies with Latin civilizational values acquires a special meaning.

10

Principle of Decentralization of Public Power in Poland

100%

Przybojewski J.

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tom 1

|

nr 1

28-37

11

Koncepcja poprawy jakości życia mieszkańców jednostek samorządu terytorialnego na przykładzie Metropolii Silesia

100%

Koroblowski M.

Nierówności społeczne a wzrost gospodarczy

|

2018

|

tom 56

313-322

PL

Przedmiotem rozważań autora są najważniejsze problemy wiążące się z ustawą z dnia 9 marca 2017 r. o związku metropolitalnym w województwie śląskim, która weszła w życie 7 kwietnia 2017 r. Uchwalenie jej było nieodzowne, albowiem na podstawie poprzedniej ustawy z dnia 9 października 2015 r. o związkach metropolitalnych nie utworzono żadnego związku. Tymczasem aglomeracja górnośląska to region, który zamieszkuje około 2 mln ludzi, składający się z miast charakteryzujących się zaawansowanymi procesami urbanizacyjnymi, powiązanych ze sobą funkcjonalnie. Analizowanej tutaj tematyki nie sposób zatem przecenić. Autor niniejszego opracowania koncentruje się wokół zasadniczych kwestii prawnych, aczkolwiek nawiązuje także do dorobku innych dziedzin nauki, m.in. do koncepcji wypracowanych przez prakseologię. Konstatacje autora prowadzą do konkluzji, wedle której związek metropolitalny wyraźnie różni się od związków komunalnych uregulowanych przepisami ustawy o samorządzie gminnym oraz ustawy o samorządzie powiatowym. Zauważyć nadto należy, że interesy poszczególnych jednostek samorządu terytorialnego wchodzących w skład związku metropolitalnego często bywają rozbieżne. Czas pokaże, czy dalsza działalność związku metropolitalnego będzie mogła zostać oceniona pozytywnie, czy też negatywnie.

EN

The subject of the author’s deliberations are the most important problems related to the Act of 9 March 2017 on the Metropolitan Union in the Silesian Voivodship, which entered into force on 7 April 2017. It was indispensable to pass it because on the basis of the previous Act of 9 October 2015 on Metropolitan Unions no union was created. Meanwhile, the Upper Silesian agglomeration is a region inhabited by about two million people, consisting of cities characterized by advanced urbanization processes, functionally connected with each other. The subject matter analyzed here cannot be overestimated. The author of this study concentrates on the fundamental legal issues, although he also refers to the achievements of other fields of science, including to concepts developed by praxeology. The author’s conclusion is that the metropolitan union is clearly different from communal unions regulated by the provisions of the Act on municipal self-government and the Act on poviat self-government. It should be noted, moreover, that the interests of individual territorial self-government units within the metropolitan union are often divergent. Time will tell if the further activity of the metropolitan union can be assessed positively or negatively.

12

Przyszłość samorządu po 25 latach

89%

Dziekoński O.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

|

2015

|

tom 77

|

nr 3

17-22

EN

In 2015 we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the first free local elections to self-governing bodies. Those elections activated local citizens initiatives and greatly contributed to the transformation in our social awareness, leading to real change in Poland’s political regime. The underlying rationale of free local elections, however, was the package of laws adopted on 8 March 1990 which created real self-government, enabled the elections to commune and municipality councils of 27 May 1990 and introduced a new dynamic to the process of the decentralisation of the state. Changes are always the result of dreams and our ability to realise them. It is possible to make them if there exist organisational structures and institutions which allow such changes to be made. The need for political transformation had long been felt and deliberated on by those involved in spatial development or and for whom the state monopoly status quo was unacceptable. To quote the late and much missed Professor Jerzy Regulski, the implementation of self-governance was departure from the monopoly of central government, which in turn meant an actual change in the political regime. The reform of 1990 broke up five monopolies of an authoritarian state which had existed in Poland since the end of the World War II: the political monopoly of one party, of centralised power, of uniform state ownership, of public finances and the state budget, and of the uniform public administration of the state. However, it must always be remembered that the possibility of realising dreams of a change in the nature of the state was shaped in the first triumphant stage of the Solidarity period in 1989, and later became a stable basis for the future in the resolution of the First National Congress of Solidarity Delegates and in the ‘Samorządna Rzeczpospolita’ (A Self-governing Republic) document. The success of the real change of 1990 was rooted in the long term determination and persistence of those whose personal experiences were involved in the quest for rationality in land management. Both Professor Jerzy Regulski and Professor Michał Kulesza drew their inspiration to change the political regime from the need to ensure that society worked in a way that would allow the local needs and initiatives be articulated, and inhabitants having the ability to take concrete decisions about the surrounding environment. In this way, the existing possibility of active involvement in local initiatives, incapable of being realised in the former political system, would become a reality and the citizens would be able to make collective decisions about their local area. This would also give a chance to oppose formally the investment logic resulting from the central planning of those times. The analytic work aimed at the transformation of the political regime that Professor Regulski started in the 1970s during his employment at the University of Lodz were subsequently continued at the Economic Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences and led to the formation of a group of individuals for whom self-governance became a core value of the new regime and a way of looking at the modern state. The change that took place in 1990 was the beginning of the building of a de-centralised, modern state, the status of which was subsequently confirmed when Poland adopted the Council of Europe Framework Convention for the European Charter of Local Self-Government. Self-government is never an institution whose constitution is ever finished. This was shown during the reform carried out by Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek’s government, which continued the break-up of the monopoly of power and implemented subsidiarity principles at the regional level enabling them to exercise powers locally, in newly created districts (powiat), as well as in the later legislative changes pertaining to the regulations governing the election of mayors (wójt or burmistrz) or the work of the Komisja Wspólna Rządu i Samorządu (Joint Committee of the Government and Self-Government). Today, after 25 years of our experience with self-government, we are much more aware of the changes needed in the self-governing system. They include the strengthening of actual independence of self-government achieved through the ensured free choice of the manner in which self-government bodies will carry out their tasks, guaranteed revenues and the possibility given to commune and municipality authorities of exercising real influence on their size, improved cooperation between communes and municipalities (gmina) and districts (powiat), and, fore and foremost, by ensuring all citizens a chance of co-decision on matters which directly affect them. Changes in the regime of self-governance are a consequence of its assessment by external, independent experts but are also motivated by the natural dynamics of the changes resulting from the very essence of self-governance and its institutions, communes and municipalities (gmina), districts (powiat) and regions (voivodships). In 2010 associations of self-governing units realised the need for change and amendments to the law on self-governance. Thus, they formulated a number of proposals which were included in a document called ‘Requests to the President of the Republic of Poland to commence work on the white book of territorial self-government in the year of the 20th anniversary.’ This document initiated work on a draft law which in 2013 became the subject of a legislative initiative put forward by President Bronisław Komorowski. The purpose of the new law on the collaboration of self-governing bodies in local and regional development is to strengthen the role of the citizen as well as the community in the work of self-government in Poland. The effort that Professors Jerzy Regulski and Michał Kulesza in their capacity as Advisors to President Komorowski put into the legislative work remains invaluable. It is believed that the involvement of individual citizens constitutes the strength of self-government and is a guarantee of its role at the service and in the interest of communities, individual inhabitants and businesses. Hence the need for enhanced collaboration and the partnership of different bodies of self-government and the increased involvement of citizens. There is draft law that contains regulations supporting these activities. Under the draft law, a local referendum is seen as an important tool to ensure the participation of citizens in decision-making processes, including those concerning local development plans. Local referenda should constitute a mechanism used to solve local issues of material importance to residents. Their result should be binding regardless of the turnout. Self-governance helps to create and strengthen the natural inclination of individuals to act together in areas where because of their social, business or cultural ties, a local community spirit develops. In today’s world of global challenges and competition, we are looking for a space for the individual which provides a feeling of security. Another important value of self-governance is the possibility of creating affiliations with a community as well as individual entrepreneurship, social activity and a regard for the collective memory of the symbols of a place. The ability to participate in community life is inseparable from the functioning of democracy at a local level, with the consultation process, election of public officers, or participation in referenda. Self-governance is a special value which gives each of us a chance to exercise a real influence on local matters. It therefore occupies a very special place where politics has a personal dimension. The variety of self-governance means at the same time a variety of development policies since there are different communities, with different emotions, different experiences or ability to participate in democratic management. This variety is a special asset in the process of the stabilisation of the state as a whole. The diversity of opinions and experiences, appointments to public office of citizens not affiliated to or necessarily recommended by any party creates the solid foundations of a democratic state. This feeling of freedom within self-governing communities must be continued and promoted. The authors of many of the texts published in this issue of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny devoted to self-governance are, at the same time, authors of the transformation of Polish law and Poland’s administration in the last 25 years. Contributions submitted by, among others, Prof. dr hab. Irena Lipowicz, Prof. Jerzy Stępień, Prof. dr hab. Jerzy Buzek, Prof. dr hab. Leon Kieres or Prof. dr hab. Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz are the best proof of the capital importance that self-governance plays in a democratic state. I thank Professor Teresa Rabska and the editorial staff of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny for their active involvement in questions of self-government from the very beginning. This issue is entirely devoted to a range of legal, economic and sociological aspects of new challenges facing self-government and its regime. Once again I thank them for such active involvement and participation in the jubilee celebrations of Self-Government and this special issue of the journal. We need self-governance not only to feel that we can influence decisions being made about local issues but also to be continually able to renew our confidence in institutions at a local level, and through their collaboration at the national level.

13

Zaufanie do samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce – próba oceny

89%

Wiśniewski M.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

|

2015

|

tom 77

|

nr 3

321-334

EN

Trust in self-government is crucial for the effectiveness of the realisation of public tasks vested in self-government units. This article elaborates on trust in an authority, including a local authority. The most important part of the study is an attempt to assess the level of confidence in self-government in Poland. This confidence was measured in three ways: by analysing the results of public opinion polls, by investigating the turnouts in local elections, and by examining the credit ratings received by local government units. Each of the tests showed a systematic increase in confidence since the restoration of self-government in Poland in 1990.

PL

Zaufanie do samorządu terytorialnego ma kluczowe znaczenie dla skuteczności podejmowanych przez jego jednostki działań w zakresie realizowania przypisanych zadań publicznych. W niniejszym artykule podjęto rozważania na temat zaufania do władzy, w tym do władzy samorządowej. Najważniejszy element opracowania stanowi jednak próba oceny poziomu zaufania do samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce. Pomiaru dokonano na trzy sposoby, analizując wyniki badań opinii publicznej, badając kształtowanie się frekwencji w wyborach samorządowych, a także wnioskując o jego poziomie na podstawie ratingów kredytowych uzyskanych przez jednostki samorządu. Każde z badań pokazało systematyczny wzrost zaufania od momentu przywrócenia samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce.

14

A Municipality against the State: Power Relations between State and Local Self-Government Representatives, Based on the Example of Bohemia at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century

88%

Klečacký M.

Acta Poloniae Historica

|

2020

|

tom 121

PL

This paper is a case study of relations between the agents of self-government and the state administration as representatives of the local elite in the milieu of a small town in central Bohemia. Set in the context of the political crisis in the 1890s and at the beginning of the twentieth century, it follows the power relations and the struggle of self-government bodies against the district captain (representing the central government), as well as the efforts of the state to force the local elite to respect the state authority and to arrange for proper operation of the public administration.

15

The ‘Kindred Circle’ of Village Mayors in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Example of Cieszyn Silesia, 1864–1918

88%

Morys-Twarowski M.

Acta Poloniae Historica

|

2020

|

tom 121

PL

In Cieszyn Silesia (the eastern part of the crownland of Austrian Silesia) from the time local government was introduced in 1864 until 1918 it is possible to identify 1332 village mayors (German: Gemeindevorsteher; Polish: wójt; Czech: starosta). Of these, at least 1006 (almost 76 per cent) had another village mayor in Cieszyn Silesia in their ‘kindred circle’, which includes second-degree relatives according to canonical computation, as well as witnesses at weddings and baptisms of their closest family (children, parents, siblings). The uninterrupted lineage of these types of relationships connected at least 875 village mayors, or 66 per cent of all those known. Thus the partial democratisation at the level of local self-government led to a kind of oligarchy, with the position of the village head being assumed by wealthy peasant families who all had connections to one another. Outside of the ‘kindred circle’, there were the factory owners and officials of archdukes and counts, who took the position of village mayor in industrialised areas, as well as a few Jewish village mayors and probably the majority of village mayors from the mountain villages. The question examined here is whether the situation looked similar in other parts of the Habsburg monarchy, or whether Cieszyn Silesia stood out in this respect. This question remains unanswered due to the lack of analogous studies on village mayors.

16

Rola ruchów miejskich w procesie demokratyzacji polskich miast

88%

Kubicki P.

Studia BAS

|

2022

|

nr 3(71)

81-97

EN

The article provides an analysis of the role of urban social movements in the process of democratisation of cities in Poland. The author draws on his research carried out in 2017–2018, during which 30 in-depth interviews with leaders in 16 cities were conducted. The article begins with the history of forming urban social movements and shaping their identity. Next, the author focuses on their role in the processes of democratisation of cities and shaping new city policies. In this context, the pioneer role of urban social movements in promoting participatory tools, such as participatory budgeting and citizens’ assembly, is highlighted.

17

Better Local Governance by Integrative Reorganization of State Administration and Self- Government (in Slovenia)

88%

Kovač P.

NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy

|

2014

|

tom 7

|

nr 2

117-134

EN

Rationalization and democratization of public governance and administrative organization are processes affecting all countries. The article critically evaluates the reorganization of local administration in Slovenia, aimed at increasing its effectiveness through integrative approaches at the state and local-self-government levels. Local self-government in Slovenia comprises 212 municipalities combined into 58 local state (general territorial) administrative units. Such organization is rather fragmented and weak despite several reorganization attempts since the mid-2000s. The recently planned reform for 2014 - 2015 tries to overcome the drawbacks typical of Slovenia, such as the two-tier public administration established in 1995 and the resulting economic local non-efficiency. The analysis of the Slovenian institutional landscape in local public administration can serve as a lesson since the strategic reorganization of political and administrative societal elements should - in addition to the search for local democracy - encompass administrative integration toward citizens, businesses and civil society to eventually achieve good local governance.

18

Etablovanie československej moci v Spišskej župe v roku 1919

88%

Furmanik M.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

|

2016

|

tom 19

|

nr 1

34-62

EN

This paper devotes to the changes, which were introduced by establishment of the Czechoslovak republic to administration in Slovakia. Particularly, study analyses the situation in Spiš county, which was ethnically mixed area, what influenced all areas of life, and therefore the public administration. At first, article deals with the occupation of Spiš by Czechoslovak army. This act was a major prerequisite for the establishment of the Czechoslovak administration in the county. The study further analyses the process of taking over of various elements of administration in Spiš County. Finally, the paper analyses differences in the functioning of public administration during the existence of Hungary and after the establishment of Czechoslovakia. The biggest difference compared to Hungary was in the nationalization of public administration. Count much greater intervened in the affairs of public authorities, which previously had a wide margin of self-government.

19

Trends of E-government in Czech Municipal and Regional Self-Government

88%

Špaček D.

Review of Economic Perspectives

|

2012

|

tom 12

|

nr 1

42-67

EN

The paper summarizes trends of e-government projects of Czech territorial self-governments (municipalities and regions). The summary is based on secondary data related to philosophy and practice of projects which were awarded or medialized as top projects in three Czech national e-government awards in the period 2005-2010.

20

The choice of citizens or the regime? Local (self-) government in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1929-1941. A case study of the Slavonski Brod district

88%

Milec I. , Jagodar J.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

|

2023

|

tom 30

187-206

EN

During the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, urban and rural municipalities were the lowest administrative units and closest to the needs of the ordinary population. The aim of this paper is to determine the level of self-government, whether the leadership of municipal administrations was an expression of the political will of the majority of the population or an instrument of the regime that ensured loyalty through various restrictions, pressures and direct nominations. This case study is spatially limited to the area of the Brod district, which was composed of one city and 18 municipalities. It is limited in period from the proclamation of the dictatorship of King Alexander in 1929 until the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1941. During the 1920s, central government limited local self-government in various ways, and immediately after the proclamation of the dictatorship, it was legally abolished. However, it should be recognised that the Law on Municipalities was adopted in 1933 and the Law on City Municipalities a year later in which the regime proclaimed self-government in the municipalities, but in reality, it limited it to a great extent. The situation in cities and rural municipalities is very different. Elections for the rural municipalities were held three times (1933, 1936, 1940), while in the cities, despite announcements, these were not held until the collapse of the state. The appointment procedure adopted during the dictatorship period was retained, although the parliamentary elections of 1935 and 1938 showed that the imposed concepts did not have significant support from the electoral base.