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Studia Ełckie
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2016
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tom 18
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nr 2
115- 130
EN
The French Revolution sought to discover the way to view freedom. At the end of the Revolution, they proclaimed the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. In French society, these fruits of the Revolution were con-sidered something sacred. Paradoxically, in a country that did so much to cleanse public life of religious factors, the same state has begun to create a religion of the state. All of the process after the Revolution, in particular, the Law of 1905 regarding the separation between the state and the church, has fortified the idea of secularism in French society. This process of the state was introduced in the schools because they wished to construct a society which was entirely secular which believed in the values of the Republic. They therefore made divisions between the public schools and the private ones. The public schools had a secular and a national character. The substantial difference be-tween the schools was that in the public schools, the teaching of religion as a separate subject was expelled and the religious issues in the teaching curricu-lum was reduced to the minimum. It appeared only as a background in the his-torical issues. Commenting on the Charter of Secularism, I seek to respond to the ques-tion – what happened which caused them to introduce this Charter of Secular-ism in the schools? We find the first response in the actions of the young peo-ple who want to be respected along with having their religious systems respect-ed. Such problems arose when the French introduced the prohibition of reli-gious symbols. However, the prohibitions did not resolve the problem. They therefore invented and introduced the Charter of Secularism of the French School. This is a kind of new way of presenting the idea of secularism to the students. The Charter was implemented as a way of reinforcing the prohibitions which had been previously introduced. It repeats the ideas which have been presented in the schools since the end of the French Revolution. Looking at the Charter, we have the impression that it is simply a repetition of the same phrases – that it is pure theory that has nothing in common with the reality. However, the French Ministry of Education always creates new initiatives which promote the presence of secularism in the schools. Unfortunately how-ever, they do not look at the problems of the young people. They don’t want to understand their identities and especially, their religious identities.
EN
Year 2017 marked the 25th anniversary of the bull Totus Tuus Poloniae populus promulgated on 25 March 1992, with which John Paul II reorganized the administrative structure of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland. The document sanctioned the elevation of 14 new dioceses in Poland. The 25th an-niversary, like any other for that matter, is urging us to carefully evaluate the past years, as well as to ask questions about the near future of the Polish Church. To better understand changes that have taken place in that period of time, let us imagine the average 25-year-old boy and the average girl of the same age: who are they, how do they live, what do they do? Most probably, they are still students, they work or are looking for a job. They may have a wife, a husband, or a partner with whom they live together without marriage, despite their being Catholics who had Religious Education as a mandatory sub-ject starting (as required in accordance with the instruction of Ministry of Na-tional Education issued on 30 August 1990) in the first grade of primary school. There is a substantial probability that these average young people have emigrated and having found abroad better job and better perspectives do not want to come back. Perhaps they are very religious and live out their faith and their national affinity consciously. It is probable that such people tell us more than official statistics does about directions and trends, values and priorities that are recognisable and prevailing in Polish society and the Polish Church. 25-year anniversary cannot only be the occasion for celebrating, it should also become an opportunity to seriously reflect on the past and on the challenges of the future. In the context of the anniversary of the reorganization of Polish dio-ceses we should ask ourselves some important questions: how to resist the negative aspects of the digital revolution? How it can be showed that a good and happy life should be built not on egoistic impressions, but on clear moral norms that delineate the categories of good and evil? How is Christian ethos to be sustained in the modern era, whereas preservation of clearly defined models and principles is impeded by consumptionist logic that entails the illusion of achieving satisfaction through „devouring the world”?
EN
The Ethiopian Ortodox Tewahedo Church played a significant role in the history of Ethiopia from ancient times, providing ideological legitimization for her emperors and influencing every sphere in the lives of the Christian population. After the revolution in 1974, the Church lost its privileged position in the country. In 1991 the new regime of EPRDF established ethnically based federalism, under which religion was effectively banned from politics. This situation poses a number of challenges for the EOTC. The Church has since suffered two major institutional crises: after separating with the Eritrean Orthodox Church and after the schism in the Ethiopian diaspora in the US. Without the previous support from the state, it has had to face competition from Pentecostal churches which have been gaining popularity over the last decades. It also seeks to reinvent its relations with the faithful, among whom appear movements (such as Mahbärä Qəddusan) which to some extent contest the teaching of the bishops.
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tom 17
17-26
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Based on the views of selected evangelical (F. Gogarten, D. Bonhoeffer) and Catholic (H. Fries, J.B. Metz) theologians, the author analyzes the phenomenon of secularization. He points to its double face, distinguishing the secularisation that is a consequence of the Christian faith, which recognizes the autonomy of history and culture against the Church, from secularism as an ideology rejecting the transcendent dimension of reality and absolutizing atheism. The article also formulates postulates for the Christian faith, which must preserve the critical-prophetic function against secularization, and by knowing of the phenomena of the finality of the world and human beings, oppose the intra-world absolutism.
PL
Opierając się na wypowiedziach wybranych ewangelickich (F. Gogarten, D. Bonhoeffer) i katolickich (H. Fries, J.B. Metz) teologów, autor analizuje zjawisko sekularyzacji. Wskazuje przy tym na jego podwójne oblicze, odróżniając sekularyzację będącą poniekąd konsekwencją chrześcijańskiej wiary, która uznaje autonomię historii i kultury wobec Kościoła, od sekularyzmu – jako ideologii odrzucającej transcendentny wymiar rzeczywistości i absolutyzującej ateizm. Formułuje także postulaty wobec chrześcijańskiej wiary, która winna zachować krytyczno-profetyczną funkcję wobec sekularyzacji i dzięki znajomości fenomenu skończoności świata i człowieka przeciwstawiać się wewnątrzświatowym absolutyzmom.
EN
The commencement of a reflection on the nature and genealogy of the discussion on the crisis of civilization which took place in the Polish school of philosophy should be preceded by a few remarks. Firstly, Polish scholars who wrote about the crisis of civilization were fully independent as regards their ideas. Their voices were not only repetitions of the considerations undertaken in the circles of Western intellectuals aware of the impending collapse of civilization. Nor did they appear as a late echo. The proposals formulated by Polish scholars contributed to the achievements of the Polish reflection on civilization. Romanowski, Zdziechowski, Koneczny, Majewski pointed out the causes of the crisis of civilization. In this context, they indicated the spread of ideologies: communism, socialism, and mediocracy, i.e. the cult of mediocrity at all levels of culture and politics; secularism, materialism, or attempts to merge various civilizations. Independence and originality of the thought of Polish scholars does not mean that they were not familiar with the theories that were formulated by Western intellectuals. The reception of their works escalated interest in the subject discussed, and suggestions contained in them often aroused controversy and criticism. Not wanting to exaggerate the actual impact nor to diminish the importance of the ideas of Western scholars, I wish to shed light on the views of some thinkers whose reflection on civilization, together with an indication of the causes of the crisis of Western civilization is worth a reminder.
9
Content available MacIntyre and Hauerwas on Metaethics and Science
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EN
The article seeks to sketch the outlines of an approach, based upon the work of MacIntyre and Hauerwas, which provides Christian moral theology with some congenial meta-ethical equipment. This sketch relies upon an examination of three concepts – freedom, virtue and narrative – together with the occasional sideways glance at contemporary secular moral traditions with which the Chris-tian tradition finds itself in competition. The author suggests that this approach has to pay more attention to what seems to be a basic epistemological difference between so-called scientific and moral narratives. He claims that, in opposition to the MacIntyre/Hauerwas affirmation that “the activities of natural science” are merely another “species of moral activity,” science in some way transcends the boundaries of rival moral traditions, though not as moral tradition, but in the subordinate role of an instrument of traditions. He gives some hints at possible ways of dealing with this challenge.
EN
The relationship between religious faith and public reason has occupied an increasingly central role in  Jürgen Habermas’s mature work. Yet this recent engagement with questions of  religious meaning also illuminates a  significant area of development in Habermas’s thought. While his earlier writings emphasized a  need to  subordinate religious beliefs to  rational critique and to translate religious truth claims into publicly accessible forms of reasoning, his later writings signal a shift to a more cooperative understanding of religious faith and critical reason that highlights the ongoing potential of religion to advance rational discourse and social criticism in the public sphere. This essay traces this growing recognition of the irreducibility of religious meaning in Habermas’s writings, and it attends to the non-translatable dimension of religious faith as a source of its ongoing contemporary significance.
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EN
In the article shown dilemmas concerning the presence of religion in public space. It's about the dilemmas raised by the modern and contemporary secular political thought. Modern secular political thought supports the view that religion should depend on policy. Religion should be treated like other social institutions. The role of politics is to achieve power and her exercise by building the social order. In fulfilling this task stands in the way religion. Confession of religion in public space causes constant conflicts due to claims of any religion to treat her as the only true. Put forward by Voltaire and Rousseau radical secularism was supposed to protect the public space from the religious sources of social conflict. Contemporary secular political thought inspired by postmodernism indicates that from public space should be eliminated each social institution that acts as spokesman of objective truth because the objective truth is the first and main source of destabilizing the social order in the state.
PL
Teoretycy kultury i cywilizacji głoszą koniec epoki, w której dominowała kultura oświeceniowa. W XX wieku dokonało się przekroczenie horyzontu tradycji rozumu, z którego kiedyś wyłoniła się samowiedza europejskiej nowoczesności. Erozji i dewaluacji uległy podstawowe pojęcia, na których wspierał się zachodni racjonalizm, a rozum został zdemaskowany jako władcza, choć zarazem ujarzmiona podmiotowość instrumentalnego panowania nad kulturą. Siła i władza racjonalizmu narzucającego swe dyskursywne rozumienia została osłabiona, a raczej – używając terminologii filozofii ponowoczesnej – zdekonstruowana. Także religia traci funkcję „świętej kosmizacji”, choć przez wiele wieków dla rzesz ludzi była podstawą socjalizacji, prawa, obyczaju. Współcześnie można wręcz dostrzec tęsknotę za dniem, kiedy to cała nasza kultura osiągnie stan, w którym nie będziemy już dłużej niczego ubóstwiać. Współcześni ateiści, pragmatycy i postmoderniści mają nadzieję, że jeśli publiczna i polityczna przestrzeń zostanie pozbawiona religijnej symboliki i pozostanie pusta, to tym samym, niejako z definicji, stanie się lepsza. Przestrzeń skrupulatnie oczyszczona z symboliki religijnej, uchodzi w tej wizji za bardziej demokratyczną i tym samym zdolną do wyprowadzenia, na bazie innej niż religijna, właściwych zachowań społecznych. Dzięki temu zaś owa „pusta przestrzeń” ujawni się jako miejsce debaty, w której mogą zostać wypracowywane lepsze niż konfesyjne rozwiązania problemów społecznych. Ateizm może być sposobem bycia dobrym i moralnym człowiekiem, który nie wspomaga swych etycznych działań inspiracją wiary. Ateiści i agnostycy zdają się dziś pokazywać, że choć w laickiej społeczności należy być świadomym nieobecności Boga, którego „śmierć” stwierdzono i ogłoszono, to przede wszystkim należy z nadzieją starać się stworzyć lepszy świat. Jednakże, choć wspólnoty demoliberalne współczesnych państw Zachodu szczycą się swymi osiągnięciami – wybór (demokracja), postęp, wolność, prawo, odwaga, wspaniałomyślność, łagodność, sprawiedliwość – to okazuje się, że dla obrony tych zdobyczy nie wypracowały skutecznego projektu uczenia odpowiedzialności, oddania i poświęcenia. Tym samym kosmopolityczno-wielokulturowe ideały nie stają się przestrzenią powściągliwości, tolerancji, cierpliwości, gotowości do kompromisów, zaufania, wspólnoty, wierności, tradycji, entuzjazmu, wyobraźni, pracy, lojalności czy społecznej dyscypliny. Rolę tę wciąż jeszcze dzierżą wspólnoty zdeterminowane, tożsame w sobie, z bardzo wyrazistym przesłaniem ideowym i konfesyjnym – rodzina, wspólnoty religijne, zespolone tradycją społeczności lokalne, naród.
EN
In our times a liberal model of the social life is a space, in which democratic and liberation desires can be carried out in the full way. Still however inalienable questions about goods and purposes which society is putting, are included to most important. What significant political good should be today, in the days of diversity and multitude of lifestyles, - the prosperity, the affluence, or a firmly liberally defined freedom (if I am not violating other’s freedom, I am making what I want)? And perhaps it should be an aim of the policy action - how the Aristotle wanted - good and right life of citizens manifesting itself in the righteousness of character i.e. the virtue of bravery (aréte)? Liberal democracy is promoting freedom, pluralism, affluence, consumption and effective law today as achievmentsof contemporaneity, convincing that we will live in harmonious, multicultural and peacetime community. However in the realization of these ideals something is standing in the way, what can be named “paradox of the liberalism”: freedom from one side widely understood, on the other whereas simultaneous expectation of self-limitation, self-control, responsibility, or even asceticisms. Therefore contemporary political-social desire for building the global and diversified society, is based on the hasty and naive conviction that people of all sorts of nations, cultures, tongues and customs will be able to live without religion together in peace and prosperity, respecting and tolerating own inflectednesses.
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EN
In Secularism and Freedom of Conscience Jocelyn Maclure and Charles Taylor distinguish two models of a secular state: a republican and a pluralist-liberal one. Whereas the former dis­plays a tendency to relegate religious beliefs from the public sphere for the sake of its postu­lated neutrality, the latter emphasizes the importance of freedom of conscience and, consequent­ly, the right of individuals to manifest their religious commitments also in public. In this paper, I argue that Kant’s views on religion cannot provide a general framework that would warrant the pluralist-liberal kind of secularism. To that effect, focusing on Kant’s distinction between the private and the public use of reason, introduced in his 1784 essay on enlightenment, I claim that the public sphere construed along the Kantian lines could not provide a space in which a plurality of different, heter­onomously grounded beliefs, could coexist with one another. Comparing Kant’s theory with Spinoza’s—particularly with regard to their critique of revelation and the proposal to reinterpret the Scripture in the light of universal moral principles—I also suggest that, as a ratio­nalist about relig­ion, Kant comes close to the secularizing tendency of the ‘radical Enlight­en­ment.’
PL
W książce Secularism and Freedom of Conscience [Sekularyzm a wolność sumienia] Jocelyn Maclure i Charles Taylor wyróżniają dwa modele świeckiego państwa, które nazywają republi­kańskim i pluralistyczno-liberalnym. Model republikański ujawnia tendencję do usuwania prze­konań religijnych ze sfery publicznej w imię postulowanej neutralności tej sfery, natomiast model pluralistycznego liberalizmu opiera się na podkreśleniu znaczenia wolności sumienia oraz, co za tym idzie, prawa jednostek do manifestowania swoich przekonań także w przestrzeni publicznej. W swoim artykule staram się pokazać, że poglądy Kanta na temat religii nie mogą dostarczyć ogólnych ram dla uzasadnienia pluralistyczno-liberalnego modelu sekularyzmu. W tym celu, skupiając się na rozróżnieniu przez Kanta prywatnego (Privatgebrauch) i publicznego użytku z rozumu (öffentliches Gebrauch), dokonanym w eseju Odpowiedź na pytanie: czym jest oświe­cenie? (1784), argumentuję, że sfery publicznej – w kategoriach Kantowskich – nie należy rozumieć jako przestrzeni umożliwiającej wyrażanie różnorodnych przekonań religijnych, zwłaszcza gdy nie dają się one pogodzić z autonomią rozumu. Porównując koncepcję religii Kanta z koncepcją Spinozy – przede wszystkim gdy idzie o krytykę religii objawionej oraz propozycję reinterpretacji Pisma św. w kategoriach uniwersalnej moralności, będącej treścią religii po­wszech­nej (Spinoza) lub religii rozumu (Kant) – proponuję również ujęcie, zgodnie z którym po­glądy autora trzech Krytyk zbliżają się do tzw. radykalnego Oświecenia, czyli nurtu sprzy­jającego postępowi sekularyzacji.
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tom 1
EN
Pope Benedict XVI in his speeches spoke up in weighty matters for humanity. Definitely presented the Catholic position and pointed out mistakes of false ideologies, especially concerning human being, his nature, vocation, the sense of life and conduct. Most of all he indicated the pernicious influence of such ideology on the conduct of man and society. The chief defect of ideologies spread around today and at the same time their common denominator – according to the Pope – is the denial of the transcendent dimension of man, and even directly combating of what is the subject of a formal theological anthropology, that means the man’s relation with God. At the same time, the characteristic of theses ideologies is the fact that they want to be universal and want to form social life. In this article, the author discusses these ideologies and shows what is contrary in them to the theological anthropology. The author also presents the characteristics of anthropology of Joseph Ratzinger – Benedict XVI as dialogical, relational, communional and integral.
EN
On 2 September 2004, at the start of the new school year in France, a law was enacted banning all religious symbols and garb in public schools. The media interpreted this law as focused on the khimar (headscarves) that Muslim girls wear as part of hijab (modesty). On 14 September 2010, a ban on covering one's face in public followed. Such legal action, limiting religious freedom, is gaining traction among European nation-states partly due to their inability to deal with religious diversity in a constructive way, partly fuelled by a fear of religious extremism. According to the developing study of complexity theory in philosophy, however, dealing with religious diversity in such a way will only lead to a larger rift between nation-states and religious extremists; decreasing the meaningfulness and limiting the resilience of societies. This paper, attempts to track ways around such limiting legal moves by revisiting Derrida’s 1996 speech at the International Parliament of Writers published as On Cosmopolitanism. Employing an idea from Derrida’s address and supplementing it with one from Žižek, I will show how cities might become spaces that challenge austere and protective legal measures, enacted against religions, by European nation-states.
PL
W dniu 2 września 2004 roku, na początku nowego roku szkolnego, została we Francji uchwalona ustawa zakazująca noszenia ostentacyjnych symboli i strojów religijnych w szkołach publicznych. Media przyjęły, że zakaz ten koncentruje się na chustach (khimar), które muzułmańskie dziewczynki noszą jako część hidżabu. W dniu 14 września 2010 roku, wszedł w życie kolejny zakaz obejmujący zakrywanie twarzy w miejscach publicznych. Tego rodzaju działania, ograniczające wolność religijną, zyskują zwolenników w państwach europejskich. Dzieje się tak częściowo ze względu na trudności w radzeniu sobie z różnorodnością religijną w sposób konstruktywny, a częściowo napędzane jest przez strach wobec religijnego ekstremizmu. Jednakże według rozwijających się badań teorii złożoności w filozofii, radzenie sobie z różnorodnością religijną w taki sposób, doprowadzi jedynie do radykalizacji podziałów społecznych.
EN
In Poland, as in other European countries, as a result of processes of seculari­zation, there is a decrease of attachment to the Church and an increase in the number of people covered by pastoral care. The Church's response to these problems is the new evangeli­zation, which means an attempt to reach out with the Good News (kerygma) to those, who have lost their sense of faith and live as if God did not exist. In Poland, the new evangeliza­tion is necessary, but it should be used to supplement and support for pastoral care.
PL
W Polsce, podobnie jak w innych krajach europejskich, wskutek procesów sekularyzacyj­nych następuje spadek przywiązania do Kościoła oraz wzrost liczby ludzi objętych duszpaster­stwem. Odpowiedzią Kościoła na te problemy jest nowa ewangelizacja, czyli próba dotarcia z Dobrą Nowiną (kerygmatem) do tych, którzy utracili zmysł wiary i żyją tak, jakby Boga nie było. W Polsce nowa ewangelizacja jest niezbędna, choć powinna być ona jedynie uzupełnie­niem i wsparciem dla duszpasterstwa.
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PL
Artykuł prezentuje zarys treści czteroletniego kursu na studiach doktoranckich i podyplomowych, którego kanwę stanowi teoria mimetyczna Girarda spajająca wykłady z antropologii, teologii biblijnej i dogmatyki. Na pierwszym roku podejmowane są zagadnie‑ nia początków Izraela, następnie okres Drugiej Świątyni, na trzecim – synoptyczne i Pawłowe ujęcie nowości Jezusa Chrystusa, na czwartym – Janowa wizja zbawienia człowieka. Ponadto, po ogólnym wprowadzeniu, w ciągu trzech kolejnych lat Autorzy kursu korzystają z trójfunkcyjnej hipotezy Georgesa Dumézila dotyczącej kultury europejskiej, rozważając kryzys w świecie idei, kwestię przywództwa oraz konkretną, duszpasterską pomoc. Mimetyczna interpretacja wszystkich sakramentów z Eucharystią w centrum przynosi świeże spojrzenie na sprawy pastoralne i duchowe.
EN
The article presents the subject of a four‑year course, postgraduate and doctoral course, whose matrix is constituted by Girard’s mimetic theory, linking lectures in anthropology, biblical and dogmatic theology. The first year discusses the origin of Israel, then the Second Temple period, in the third year synoptic and Paulinian views of Christ’s innovation are treated, and in the fourth year – Johanine vision of man’s salvation. Moreover, the authors of the course use the trifunctional hypothesis of Georges Dumézil on the European culture to analyse the ideological crisis, the issue of leadership, and concrete, pastoral care. The mimetic interpretation of all sacraments with the Eucharist in the centre brings forth a fresh view on pastoral and spiritual matters.
EN
This chapter analyses the ambiguous presence of religious agents as service providers in Swedish state institutions, which are supposed to be secular; hospitals, prisons, the military and public schools.
PL
Artykuł stanowi analizę rozwiązań dotyczących obecności posług religijnych w szwedzkich instytucjach państwowych, takich jak szpitale, więzienia, wojsko i szkoły publiczne. Stawia przy tym pytania o zgodność tego rodzaju praktyk z zasadą świeckości państwa.
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EN
Recently there is a renewed academic interest in religion bringing it back on the global political agenda. Religion in the post modern global order is fast emerging as a new organizing principle in the face of multi-polarity, trans-nationality and sweeping pluralisation of peoples. Contrary to the secularist self believe, the modern has failed to take over the tradition including religion. Rather a logical opposite seems to be happening, questioning the very presumptions of the modernity project. The present paper is a narrative on this creative tension in the religious modern and post modern. The paper is crafted into four sections. First section seeks to pin down the genesis of “religious” in the search for social order and consciousness beyond the material world. Second section deals with the unfolding of enlightenment project and its manifest consequence with the birth of secularism master theory. Third section delves deep into the immediate Indian religious lived experiences under foreign rule up to the sweeping spell of globalisation. Fourth and last part of the essay makes a case for universality of a multicultural world and religious secularism.
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Content available Apologia wiary jako zadanie nauczania religii
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EN
Back to determine apology faith in the post-conciliar theology, including practical theology, is a reference to the Fathers of the Church, the creators of the first apology, and to some concepts of the Bible, but also taking action in the spirit of the Council, which confirmed the achievements of grassroots movements in the Church, in order to the rediscovery of the Bible, the liturgy and the Fathers of the Church. Recognized in this way an apologia for faith means more than just protecting the faith, is the justification. The author first explains the meaning of the individual words contained in the title, then points to the contexts of apology for the faith, which is import_ant for its application in the teaching of religion, but also for the sake of teaching, when the disciples are to be witnesses to the faith. The headline of the article shows two faces apology, defense of faith and the reasons for it, referring to the contemporary problems faced by the teaching of the Catholic religion.
IT
Riassunto: Il ritorno alla definizione apologia della fede nella teologia postconciliare, fra cui la teologia pratica, costituisce un referimento ai Padri della Chiesa autori delle prime apologie così come di certi concetti biblici ma anche un’implementazione dello spirito del Concilio, il quale ha promosso le iniziative dei movimenti originati “dal basso” nella Chiesa aventi come scopo una riscoperta della Bibbia, della liturgia e dei Padri. Un’apologia della fede intesa in questo senso significa più che una semplice difesa della fede, significa anche un dare ragione di essa. L’autore dell’articolo spiega prima il senso delle singole parole incluse nel titolo per poi fare un richiamo ai contesti dell’apologia della fede, il che è significativo per la sua applicazione nell’ambito dell’insegnamento della religione anche per gli stessi insegnanti, dato che devono essere per gli alunni testimoni della fede. In buona parte l’articolo mostra due volti dell’apologia: la difesa della fede e un darne ragione, in riferimento ai problemi attuali con i quali ha a che fare l’insegnamento della religione cattolica.
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